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    I resigned from government direct provision Working Group.

      By Reuben Hambackachere. Background article by Niall Crowley follows below. On the 21st of April 2015 I officially submitted my resignation as the named individual representing the Core Group of asylum-seekers and Refugees on the Government Working Group established to examine improvements to the protection process and the Direct Provision system. The working group was set up as the Government’s response to the countrywide protests by asylum-seekers living in direct provision and their supporters. This response presented the Government with an opportunity to remedy a broken system for asylum-seekers. The structure of direct provision raises cause for concern for the Irish state, given the level of public resources invested in the system and its administration. I felt that, coming together with so called experts on the issue, this was a step in the right direction to overcome the cultural blindness that I believe is one of the factors underpinning this failed system alongside the fact that there is no legislative framework for these reception centres. There were restrictions in the terms of reference in relating to coming up with an alternative for those who live in this system. I felt this needed to change immediately if there was to be any credibility that the rights of asylum-seekers would be upheld in line with Ireland’s international obligations under various human rights instruments. However, I took up my position with the hope that the Working Group would be committed to the liberation of people who are being oppressed. It was not long before I discovered that some members of the group could see the problem but did not think they were a part of it. My participation on the Working Group was an opportunity to see and learn how decisions are made or not made. I am glad I stayed up to the time I did. I participated in the consultation process and most of the plenary and thematic meetings. I felt I was well informed and had given it my best when I made my decision to exit. I initially agreed to be on the Working Group on the basis of a mandate to negotiate and safeguard that the report and its recommendations would offer real progressive change, and restore the dignity of asylum-seekers and their children through the creation of a protection system underpinned by human rights and in line with international best practice. During the period that I was a Working Group member I pushed hard to ensure that the voices of asylum-seekers and refugees were heard. I believe that the issues of concern to asylum-seekers were well articulated during the consultation process. It was therefore my realistic hope that these issues would inform the recommendations of the Working Group. However, after conscientiously going through all three thematic sub-group draft reports, which will form the final plenary report, I feel that the proposed recommendations fall far too short of my own expectations and probably those of the asylum-seeking community Central amongst my concerns was that without the option to discuss any alternative to direct provision or even to submit an alternative report without referring to the terms of reference, very little change would be made to the current system. Personally, as things stood I could not stand over the limited recommendations that were going forward from the sub-groups to the plenary, nor sign my name to them. My conscience will not allow me to endorse an exercise that has not truly taken into consideration the issues that were clearly articulated by asylum-seekers during the consultation process and through other submissions. However, the decision of the Core Group of asylum-seekers and refugees is to stay on and continue to fight. It is my hope that the Core Group will capitalise on my resignation and push further for recommendations that have some positive outcomes for the people caught up in this system.  Communities which experience inequality, poverty and injustices should be protected and their rights vindicated. Ultimately, I believe high standards must apply to any reception system underpinned by the requirements of the EU Reception Directive. I am still participating in the struggle to end direct provision and I will continue to campaign and fight for the rights of all people let down by the current system which is broken and only results in further marginalisation. This system props up a flawed model that does not work for my comrades in the core group and beyond them for the wider community of asylum-seekers. By Niall Crowley Aodhán Ó Ríordáin, Minister of State at the Department of Justice and Equality, left no one in any doubt about his opposition to Direct Provision speaking in the Dáil in September 2014. “It is no secret that I have been, and continue to be, a critic of the Direct Provision system as it currently operates and want to see it reformed into something that we can be proud of in a civilised society that describes itself as a Republic. I have described it as inhumane, intolerable and as a system that I refuse to stand over in its current form.” He referred to the decision to “establish an independent working group to report to Government on improvements to the protection process as a whole as well as on Direct Provision and supports for asylum seekers in particular.” He promised: “We have form in this regard, we pledged to end the degrading practice of slopping-out in Mountjoy and we did. We pledged to close St Patrick’s Institute for Young Offenders and we have. We will not be found wanting in respect of Direct Provision”. Direct Provision for asylum seekers was introduced in April 2000. Asylum seekers get full-board accommodation and a personal allowance of €19.10 per adult and €9.60 per child per week. They may not work. In November last year the High Court found that the system was not a breach of human rights, though there were issues with the way the case was pleaded. It was originally envisaged that no one would

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    O’ Brien – Desmond Letter

    Denis is for once on the back-foot as concerns arise about the roles of IBRC, Cox, Davy and KPMG in the discounted sale of Siteserv to him   D E N I S  O ‘  B R I E N   Dear Dermot, Fuming. So the non-story so far: Shareholders in Siteserv got a €5m payment when the company was sold to me for €45m, crystallising a loss to the state of €100m, and even though there were higher offers. Normally, shareholders are – legally – right down the list in the event of insolvency. Perfectly fine. Chinese Walls. Arthur Cox. Davy. Top firms. Good people. And we both know it’s normal that rivals get excluded from the sale process in case they use their access to the books for their own commercial advantage. Nothing to see. Some Department of Finance officials were uneasy with the way IBRC sold off Siteserv, though the Central Bank scrutinised the deal in 2012 and no regulatory or enforcement action followed. In a memo to Michael Noonan, referred to in the Dáil by Yer Wan, officials said they were “concerned at the number of large transactions [at IBRC] that have been poorly executed under the direction of the bank’s former chief executive”, though Noonan had told her on December 16th, 2014 that he simply was “advised that the board of IBRC at that time were satisfied” that the Siteserv deal represented “the best return for IBRC”, and Finance insisted IBRC change the way it notified it department about such sales. In the last few weeks he summoned CEO Mike Aynsley and chairman, former Fine Gael leader, Alan Dukes to explain their actions and they defended them robustly but Nono Noonan now claiming there assurances that all was okay led to him relaying the same message to Yer Wan. Very striking how bad relations were between the Finance Department, particularly then maverick Sec Gen ‘SIPTU-head’ John Moran, and IBRC. Walter Hobbs, a consultant who was brought in by IBRC to assess my bid also made it clear it was all above board. I mean these are all the top guys in the area. Walt is managing director of ACT which owns stakes in startup companies Swrve, Firecomms and Biosensia, Funnily enough so do I – through Atlantic Bridge. Nothing to see here. Chinese walls. So we invest in the same thing. Doesn’t mean we hang out. Everyone moaning on about Davy/Carvill which coordinated the sale for Siteserv. So there was a bump in pre-sale trading in the shares. Davy sees no problem with that, and nor do I.The Competition Authority okayed  the purchase on the basis it was a “media” takeover. I mean, I’m a media guy. So what? Dukes and Aynsley are facing the rap. They say there was absolutely nothing untoward about the way IBRC sold off companies and certainly I saw nothing. Nor did any of my colleagues, friends. No-one. But Noonan banging on anyway about not being kept informed Political correctness gone mad. Worried Noonan not playing ball. Now there is to be a further inquiry into the transaction by IBRC’s special liquidators. Dukes got annoyed when it was suggested criminality might be part of the investigation. Called press conference in his solicitors’ offices. Class. Eames. Nothing wrong. Dukes said he was both happy and angry about the inquiry.  Is that cognitive, or emotional, dissonance?, Dukesie. Morrissey went on Finucane to attack the Sunday Times over ludicrous story about shares in Siteserv changing hands at inflated prices in the run up to the buyout. Actually thought Morrissey was shite. Even I didn’t believe what he was saying about the Moriarty Tribunal and then he got outsmarted by Frank Fitzgibbon on how the meter installations are a bigger deal in jobs than in actual finance. Sometimes I think there’s more to PR than just being prepared to say anything I tell him. “The Irish Stock Exchange is prohibited by law from discussing investigation matters” a spokesman said, “including whether it has ever discussed those matters”. I did laugh a little. KPMG, the special liquidators to IBRC will investigate a number of IBRC loan-sales in recent years. Of course this is ideal since KPMG itself was one of the advisers in the sale of Siteserv by IBRC in 2012. Then the whole thing will be supervised by a ring of steeler with an unpronounceable name. The whole thing is Unfair. I’ve no particular links to FG apart from the money I’ve given them, and Lowry getting me and Esat and you the second mobile-licence, bagging €317m for me when we sold it to BT. Seeking injunction (ring of steel) against RTÉ, preventing a report about my bloody private banking affairs from being broadcast. Senior Counsel foxy Michael Cush – one of the top guys – got RTÉ undertaking not to publish or disclose the material at the centre of the application in the interim. He handed two sealed envelopes to Mr Justice Paul Gilligan. Very James Bond. Too busy to attend the marrying your second son, Ross, last week – thanks though. At JP’s Adare. The Next Generation. Of course I once announced on the Late Late Show I’d be leaving only the minimum to the O’Brien scions. Got that one from Buffett. I see it’s been reported you made donations to FF in the US, something I’ve done myself of course. $5,000 donation in the name of Dermot Desmond recorded in December 1990, while two further donations totalling $6,000 and made in 1988 are listed under the name “D Desmond”. Meanwhile the Clinton Foundation charity’s contributors’ webpage records I donated between $5 million and $10 million but doesn’t date the donations. The Wall Street Journal reported I won a $2.5m award in 2011 when Hillary was Secretary of State from a programme run by a State Department agency to provide mobile money services in Haiti after the earthquake. Morrissey confirmed I gave the money but has declined further comment. Nothing to

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    IVANA BACIK- Legislate for where life impossible.

    The recent Dáil debate on a private members bill to provide for terminations of pregnancy in fatal foetal abnormality has raised important human and legal concerns. The bill was opposed by Government on the basis of the Attorney General’s advice that its text was incompatible with the Constitution. However, at my request the Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children has agreed to conduct hearings later this year into whether it would be possible to legislate on this issue within the current Constitutional framework. In June 2012, I was one of the group of twenty Labour TDs, Senators and MEPs who signed a letter to then Health Minister James Reilly stating that women and couples facing the tragic and traumatic personal circumstances of a diagnosis of fatal foetal abnormality should not be forced to travel out of Ireland to terminate their pregnancies. On an analysis of the relevant law, and in particular the 2005 European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) case of D v. Ireland, we argued that legislation permitting terminations of pregnancy in cases of fatal foetal abnormality could be drafted in a manner compatible with Article 40.3.3 of the Constitution. In the D case, one of the twin foetuses that D was carrying was already dead and the other had a diagnosed fatal foetal abnormality. D had to travel to England to terminate her pregnancy in these terrible circumstances. She then took her case to the ECHR, arguing that she should have been able to terminate her pregnancy in Ireland. However, the Irish Government argued that D should have brought her case in the Irish courts, as she was likely to have succeeded there. The European Court accepted this argument, agreeing that: “there was ‘at least a tenable’ argument which would seriously be considered by the domestic courts to the effect that a foetus was not an ‘unborn’ for the purposes of Article 40.3.3 or that, even if it was an ‘unborn’, its right to life was not actually engaged as it had no prospect of life outside the womb”. (para 69). The Court concluded that if she had initiated her case before the Irish courts D’s case would have been “an arguable one with sufficient chances of success” to mean that a domestic legal remedy was therefore in principle available to her, and she should have pursued her case through the Irish courts. Accordingly her application to the European Court was ruled out of order. The judgment in D v. Ireland clearly envisages that terminations of pregnancy in cases of fatal foetal abnormality would be declared lawful in Ireland under Article 40.3.3 of the Constitution. Given this legal analysis, legislation setting out criteria for fatal foetal abnormality could be drafted so as to be compatible with Article 40.3.3 of the Constitution, and therefore capable of being introduced without constitutional amendment. That is why I am very pleased that the Oireachtas Committee agreed to undertake a review of the relevant law to examine whether it would be possible to draft legislation, compatible with Article 40.3.3, setting out the criteria whereby terminations of pregnancy might lawfully be carried out in cases of fatal foetal abnormality. I accept that such legislation could only apply to those cases where doctors were certain that there was no prospect of the foetus being born alive. It could therefore only provide support to a small number of those who receive a diagnosis of fatal foetal abnormality. The real problem is the language of Article 40.3.3. For over thirty years, its restrictive effect has caused pain and distress to women, their doctors and families. As Master of Holles Street Dr Rhona Mahony recently said, under the current Constitutional framework, doctors are forced to wait until a woman’s condition is clearly life-threatening before they may terminate pregnancy; serious risk to health is not enough. Repeal of the Eighth Amendment (Article 40.3.3) is necessary before we can legislate effectively for terminations of pregnancy, not just on grounds of fatal foetal abnormality, but also on grounds of risk to health, rape or incest. Within the Labour Party, we have initiated a Labour Women Commission to develop a policy on repeal of the Eighth Amendment, ensure that, if Labour is in Government after the next election, a referendum will be held, and secure the introduction of sensible and compassionate legislation on this issue. The Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act was long overdue and welcome. However, there is now clear public support for legislation allowing abortion on a wider range of grounds. We must work towards holding a referendum to remove Article 40.3.3 from the Constitution, so that progressive legislation can be introduced to address the real reproductive health needs of Irish women. •

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    Your lethal aversion to discussing climate.

    By Sadhbh O’ Neill. With all the seemingly urgent messages in the media about climate change and need to reduce emissions, there is an astonishing cultural silence about the issue. Climate changes will affect us readers of Village magazine, no doubt in our lifetimes, never mind the lives of our children and grandchildren, as evidence mounts that even current extreme weather events can be attributed directly to climate change. Yet we don’t talk about it, we don’t discuss it, and according to a Royal Society for the Arts survey in 2013, only a fifth of the respondents were convinced there even was a problem. Only 60 percent of the sample had ever spoken about climate change and, of those 71 percent did so for less than ten minutes; 43 percent for less than 5 minutes. This poses the question whether, as Clive Hamilton puts it, climate denial is due to a surplus of culture rather than a deficit of information. I’ve tried this out on a few friends and it is true: the conversations fizzle out after a few minutes unless you can get people interested in talking the detail about energy policy or intergovernmental negotiations (this rarely happens). They definitely don’t want to get into the detail of how scary it might all get. But is this because they don’t want to know, or that they do know somehow, but are willing to invest a lot of emotion in denying the truth? These are the questions George Marshall takes up in his new book ‘Don’t Even Think About it: Why Our Brains are Wired to Ignore Climate Change’ (Bloomsbury Press, 2014). As a former Greenpeace activist, and now a ‘climate communications expert’ Marshall sets out to understand how it is that we are collectively in denial about the most serious problem of our time. Marshall is convinced there is a good psychological or evolutionary explanation for our inaction. He explains that essentially we are wired to act on the basis of primitive emotional responses, whilst we analyse information more slowly through the cognitive centres of the brain. The effect of this is to make some threats more real and immediate than others. The issues with the greatest salience are those that are here, now and contain a clear visible threat from an identifiable enemy. Social cues compel us to pay attention to some issues not others. Without salience or social cues, climate change sits outside the analytic frame that we apply to make sense of the world around us, he explains. Added to all this, climate change and the vast science around it can make it easy to select truths on an à la carte basis through cognitive bias, confirmation bias and mis-categorisation – all of which helps keep the extent of the problem on the edge of what he terms a “pool of worry” that we all have anyway about the usual things (bills, jobs, elderly parents etc). Climate deniers in particular have misled the public by setting up false debates based on partial or incorrect information knowing that sowing the seeds of doubt and dissent leaving us both confused and worried, but unsure of what to do. Marshall’s big ideas are for climate communicators and policy makers to zone in on the role of stories and myths (especially religious ones): the means by which the emotional brain makes sense of the information collected by the rational brain. When non-experts make sense of complex technical issues, they make their decisions on the basis of the quality of the ‘story’ or ‘narrative fidelity’ rather than on the quality of the information. Whilst the ‘good’ guys in this story get tangled up in complex and defensive explanations and talk about raising new taxes (always a bad communication strategy), the ‘bad’ guys win the argument by talking about the ‘American way of life’. Essentially deep community values, however conservative, are more persuasive and socially binding than bad, complicated news. Helpfully, Marshall quotes Frank Luntz, the US GOP pollster and strategist as saying that a compelling story has the following rules: “simplicity, brevity, credibility, comprehension [by which he may of course mean comprehensibility], consistency, repetition, repetition, repetition… “. Marshall explains also that a successful storyline contains simplicity of cause and effect, a focus on individuals or distinctly defined groups, and a positive outcome. When will Disney make a climate movie, I wonder. That is what is needed here. In the meantime, other writers outside even  the science-fiction genre are beginning to do the work of telling us the story of our present, from the perspective of the future. Naomi Oreskes and Erik Conway, famous for their devastating assault on climate deniers in ‘Merchants of Doubt’ (2010) have written a new book about what is happening to our climate and possible future scenarios if we fail to act on time. What is interesting about ‘The Collapse of Western Civilisation: A View From the Future’ (Columbia University Press 2014) is that it is a piece of historical fiction, but written from the future, since this seems to be the most narrative-faithful way of joining the dots about what we are doing at the moment and how it will impact on the future. Written from 2393, 300 years after ‘The Great Collapse’ the authors retell the story of how civilisation collapsed first from inaction and then from desperate efforts to reduce global warming with failed geo-engineering experiments. It is telling that the story is written from inside China, whose centralised decision-making made recovery possible. Oreskes and Conway are not eco-authoritarians but they do give voice to the desperation among climate activists that our democracies are simply failing to act effectively out of deference to fossil-fuel and other interests, even when public opinion is solidly behind abatement measures. What is missing from their history however, is real people: survivors, heros who have adjusted and re-organised communities to be resilient. Without real characters, we may well reluctantly have to apply Marshall: we need individual characters and

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    Step back from homophobia.

    By Richard O’ Leary. Bishop Kevin Doran of Elphin insisted that the Roman Catholic bishops’ opposition to same-sex marriage is “not about homosexuality or the gay lifestyle” last November and fired the opening shot in their campaign for a No vote in the marriage equality referendum. Last March, in an interview on Newstalk, he went to say “the jury’s out” on whether people are born gay and that being gay is not what God intended. He compared sexual orientation to a disability (Down’s syndrome). How can a bishop be so ill-informed? Twenty years ago I was invited by the Forum for Peace and Reconciliation to present a sociological report on the Protestant minority and Catholic-Protestant marriage. Later the Roman Catholic Bishop of Killaloe, Willie Walsh, wrote in the Furrow of the “wounds” caused by his fellow bishops by their opposition to mixed marriage. He wrote “I feel that many of us would want to apologise and ask forgiveness from our non-Roman brethren for that pain and hurt…It has been a long journey from that sadness and isolation to the joyfulness of today’s inter-church marriages”. The Church of Ireland Bishop of Cork, Dr Paul Colton, apologised last year for the hurt Christian churches have caused lesbian, gay, bisexual and trans people. He later stated on BBC Radio Ulster that “I certainly support civil same-sex marriage”. Bishop Michael Burrows of Cashel, Ferns and Ossory also declared for Yes at a recent event for Faith in Marriage Equality (FiME). Bishops have got it wrong before and they were humble enough to admit it. Growing up in Cork in the early 1980s I attended St Fin Barre’s secondary school. The principal, Dr John Buckley, is now the Roman Catholic Bishop of Cork. Jerry Buttimer, now a TD for Cork and an out gay man, was in the year behind me. Every day in the classroom, I was ‘wounded’ when I overheard the put-downs of “homo”, “fag”, and “queer”. On my way to school, I remember passing someone in the street on the way to work who called out “fairy”. I was threatened and changed my route. I well recall visiting school-friends at the seminary in Maynooth in 1982. I was struck at how like our Catholic school it was, being single sex, without women teachers, and with the added struggle of sexual abstinence. That is the world that Irish Roman Catholic bishops were socialised into. Should we be surprised that they teach as they do about same sex marriage? The Roman Catholic bishops recently upped the ante in their No campaign with a threat to withdraw from the signing of the civil marriage register at all weddings in a Catholic church. The bishops did not resort to this supposed ‘nuclear option’ twenty years ago after the legalisation of civil divorce. I know that the Association of Catholic Priests does not agree with them. I know that in County Donegal, some parishioners walked out after the priest in the pulpit preached for a No vote. A face glared down from an aggressive poster calling for a No Vote as I recently walked down Shandon Street. Homophobic messaging is sweeping across the country. This is part of the emotional price to be paid by being gay or lesbian and engaging with the referendum campaign. This time I did not change my route. The negative messages are contradicted by my own personal experience of 25 years of a loving, faithful, same-sex relationship. There will be a price to be paid by the institution of the Roman Catholic Church.  It will emerge as a smaller, more anti-gay denomination. Ironically, it may be the Catholic dissent, and the two Church of Ireland Bishops, who may one day enable the Roman Catholic Church to retrieve something positive when in the future it apologises for the wounds it inflicted on the gay and lesbian minority and its opposition to same-sex marriage. •

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    SINÉAD PENTONY- Women still second fiddle at work.

    International Women’s Day (March 8th) provides us with an opportunity to reflect on issues relating to gender equality and to take stock on where progress has been made and the challenges that remain to be overcome. This is the first of two articles which assesses progress and challenges associated with women and the economy. Ireland is ranked eighth out of 142 countries and fourth out of the EU28 in the World Economic Forum Global Gender Gap Report for 2014. The Global Gender Gap Index, developed by the World Economic Forum, is a useful framework for capturing the magnitude and scope of gender-based disparities. The Index benchmarks national gender gaps on economic, political, educational and health criteria. It looks at economic-participation and economic-opportunity deviation; educational-attainment deviation; health and survival deviation and political-empowerment deviation. Gender equality should be one of the cornerstones of any modern society, with gender-equality policies ensuring women and men enjoy the same opportunities, rights and obligations in all areas of life. Everyone, regardless of gender, has the right to work and support themselves, to balance career and family life, and to live without the fear of abuse or violence. Gender equality implies not only equal distribution between men and women in all domains of society. It is also about quality, ensuring that the most useful knowledge and experience of both men and women are used to promote progress in all aspects of society. Ireland scores high in the areas of educational attainment in the Index.  For example, just over 55% of women aged between 25 and 34 have a third-level qualification compared to 43% of men. There is clearly a need to improve the participation rates of men in third-level education. However, despite advances in educational attainment, traditional and stereotypical career expectations for girls and boys still need to be addressed. These inform subject and career choices. Gender segregation in the uptake of specific subjects, particularly in the fields of science, technology, engineering and mathematics is still a major challenge that has yet to be overcome. Not only are girls and young women a minority of students in these fields, qualified women are more likely than men to leave these professions. In health and survival Ireland also performs very well.  However, it’s important to highlight that there are serious shortcomings in the area of women’s reproductive rights. These can only be addressed through a referendum to repeal the Eighth Amendment to the Constitution (Article 40.3.3).     Ireland appears to perform very well in the area of political empowerment. However, a closer look at specific indicators shows that our score in this area is skewed by the fact that we have had two women presidents, who are classed as ‘heads of state’, in the last 50 years. Ireland’s ranking for the participation of women in parliament and ministerial and position is 92 and 82 out of 142 countries, respectively.    Women TDs currently make up 16% of the Dáil which is an abysmal level of representation of women in politics.  However, the introduction of gender-quota legislation requiring 30% of party candidates to be women in the forthcoming general election will increase the number of women being elected. This legislation should be extended to local elections because this is the arena where most politicians start their political careers, and women local representatives still only account for little more than one in five out of all City and County Councillors. In economic participation and opportunity, Ireland performs well relative to other countries. However, again on closer inspection, the participation of women in the labour force has stagnated, the gender pay gap is widening and we still have too few women in senior positions in the public and private sectors and on boards of directors. Economic independence is a prerequisite for enabling both women and men to exercise control over their lives and to make genuine choices, so it is worth taking a closer look at women and men in relation to economic indicators. Working in paid employment is the main route to achieving economic independence for women. In Ireland, the employment rate for men is almost 71% and 60% for women (Eurostat, 2013). The EU average is 74% for men and almost 63% for women. The European employment rate target is 75% for both women and men. The employment rate for men in Ireland has fallen from over 80% in 2003 to the current level, while the employment rate for women was just below 60% in the same period. As the employment situation continues to improve the employment rate for men looks likely to recover quickly, however the same cannot be said for women, as their employment rate has not exceeded 65% in the last 10 years.  This means particular attention needs to be given to the labour market participation of women. This must also take account of the fact that women work part-time more than men. Women account for over 75% of part-time workers. Women also work in less valued jobs and sectors that pay less. A significant gender pay gap must also be addressed. Women earn less than men and the gender pay gap currently stands at over 14% and is widening.  This is despite women being better qualified. The lack of high quality, affordable childcare is the major barrier to employment for many women, as the majority of women have primary responsibility for their children. Women are also more likely to be engaged in unpaid work in the home or as carers. In the majority of households, family responsibilities are not shared equally. This limits opportunities to work outside the home and diminishes economic independence and has a knock-on effect in in later life, as only 16% of those who receive the full contributory pension are women, due to lower labour force participation. The provision of affordable, high-quality childcare would clearly have the biggest immediate impact in creating the conditions for increasing women’s access to the labour market and the opportunities for economic independence. The high

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    Did she say phlebotomy or lobotomy?

    By Aoife O’ Driscoll One in six adults in Ireland (521,550 people) finds reading and understanding everyday texts difficult, according to OECD research published by the CSO in 2012. This includes reading a leaflet, for example, or medicine instructions. In addition, a significant 40% of Irish people have limited health literacy according to the 2012 European Health Literacy Study. This means that four out of ten people who use health services may find it difficult to understand and act on the health information and advice they receive. Irish Health Literacy Research (2015) shows that 45% of people surveyed were unable to define the term “prognosis”. A 2014 review, carried out by the Royal College of General Practitioners in the UK, found that patients usually retain about half of the information they receive in a consultation with their healthcare professional. Only half of the information that they do remember is generally correct. Health literacy and numeracy is about the healthcare provider communicating health information clearly and the patient understanding this information correctly. This is crucial for people’s health and wellbeing. The more effectively that people can act upon health information, the better their health outcomes will be. Health numeracy is the ability to understand, use and act on numerical information. Most health information requires us to use basic numbers and calculations. We are, for example, expected to manage our medication by reading and/or hearing instructions, understanding them, and working out doses. According to the OECD research, one in four adults in Ireland has difficulties in real-world maths – from simple addition and subtraction to the calculation of averages. A disturbing 17% of people surveyed in the 2015 research said they had taken the wrong amount of medication on at least one occasion. There are many reasons why people have difficulties with health information. There are factors such as literacy, numeracy, needs, age, language, disability and culture. Specialised medical language used by healthcare professionals when speaking to their patients is another factor. People are often not familiar with these medical terms and it can be embarrassing to ask the doctor to explain them in everyday language. A further factor is that it is difficult to take in information properly when receiving worrying news about our health. Medical jargon and emotional stress effect our health literacy and we could leave a consultation unclear about both our condition and treatment. Promoting good health literacy and numeracy practices means that we can make sound health decisions at home and in the community. We can give informed consent to treatment and follow dosage instructions. We can understand how to live with chronic health conditions. We have the skills and confidence to ask questions, and we can navigate healthcare systems effectively. This is in everybody’s interests. A Crystal Clear quality mark has just been launched to respond to this issue. This is the first ever such quality mark and has been developed by the National Adult Literacy Agency, along with the Irish Pharmacy Union, the Irish College of General Practitioners, and MSD (a pharmaceutical company). A Crystal Clear Pharmacy or General Practice delivers a quality service that takes account of possible literacy and numeracy needs of patients and consistently improves upon the services they provide. Getting the Crystal Clear quality mark also recognises that the service regularly evaluates and improves its health literacy practices. An online audit tool has been developed to assess the health literacy and numeracy practices of pharmacies and general practices (www.nala.ie/crystalclear). Healthcare providers need to take steps to communicate in ways that all their patients and patients can understand. They should think about the language they use when talking to patients and try to explain things in everyday language. When they talk about medication, they shouldn’t assume the patient will understand quantitative concepts or are familiar with the measurements involved. They should use teach-back, a way to assess and confirm that people understand what they have been told, by asking them to repeat back the key information in their own words and encouraging  patients to ask any questions that they may have, after the repetition. • Aoife O’Driscoll is Policy Officer with the National Adult Literacy Agency

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