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    Sophisticated but will not pay

    By Gerard Cunningham The Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2015 for Ireland gives an effective overview of who learns what where, here. The report describes Ireland as “a broadly engaged audience who are digitally immersed but with a substantial allegiance to traditional sources.” The report is produced in association with Dublin City University’s Institute for Future Journalism and Media (FuJo) and the Broadcasting Authority of Ireland (BAI). In a foreword, BAI chief executive Michael O’Keeffe hopes that the reports will “track key trends and identify data points that will assist the BAI in its deliberations”, something that should come in handy for the authority’s newly announced role in refereeing media mergers. Ireland is not particularly special when it comes to media consumption compared to the other 12 country Reuters studies, though we are more reluctant than average to pay for news, and more than usually likely to read foreign news. The Irish have also – so far at least – been less willing than other English-speaking audiences to abandon print, although even in Ireland circulation numbers are falling. The survey, based on a sample of 1501 adults who get news once a month or more, was conduced online in Ireland by ResearchNow, the Irish research partner of YouGov. The overall margin of error rate is 2.5%. The primary news source is online media, at 83%, with TV coming second at 76%. Radio (50%) and Print (49%) bring up the rear. It is notable that while radio and print come last, both are above average compared to international trends. The survey also reveals a glaring generation gap. Put bluntly, TV is for old people, while under-24s are abandoning it in favour of online sources. The contrast could not be more stark for RTÉ: 77% of over-55s got news from TV or radio in the past week, while the equivalent figure for 18-24 year olds is just 34%. At the same time, 21% of 18-24s checked the RTE.ie website, compared to only 0.5% of over-55s. As this is the first time that Ireland has been included in the Reuters report, it provides a baseline for future comparison, but no Irish trends are apparent yet. However, internationally, broadcast news is in decline, with print and broadcast news merging online. The survey took place in January-February, before the Irish Times introduced its paywall, so future surveys will also show the full effect that had on audience figures. Essentially, while viewers will still check in with TV and radio broadcasts at fixed hours, they are becoming more and more likely to get news, whether audio, video, or text, by phone. What’s true of entertainment, through services like Netflix, is equally true of news. TV is seen as the most accurate/reliable (37%) and trustworthy (38%) news source, but a majority (53%) believe that the best sources of analysis and comment are available online. This may reflect the wider range of opinions available in specialist blogs and news websites, the limited number of columnists in print, or a combination of both. Unsurprisingly, online is also seen as the best place for updates on breaking news. Online, just under three quarters (74%) of the population use a computer to obtain news, and the halfway tipping point has been reached on mobile, with 52% using it to check news. The generation gap is again visible here: smartphone users are younger; computer users are older. Among over-55s, 72% have used a computer to access news, but only 17% a  smartphone. Gender analysis show a strong male preference for sports (52% of men, 15% of women) but it may be worth asking whether this is a chicken and egg situation. Most sports stories are about men’s sports, which may influence the audience it attracts. During June, the soccer columns were full of transfer rumours, for example, while the women’s World Cup was almost ignored. It may also be notable that while men read more about sports, only 17% said they were interested in health stories, compared to 42% of women. Some survey answers are difficult to accept at face value. The Irish claim to care deeply about international (64%) and national (59%) news stories, but not that much for celebrity (21%) or fun/weird “offbeat” news (18%): figures any journalist aware of what stories are most read and shared will question. This could be due to the nature of the online survey – those who answer are self-selecting, and may have a higher than average interest in news, or they may be giving an answer which reflects better on themselves. Another question, on what makes a story get read, provides an interesting contrast. Most (58%) said they “click on headlines that are most interesting to me”, contrasted with 32% who declared the basis was trust in the news site and 8% based on trust in the person sharing the story. This is the reverse of what is seen internationally, where trust is more highly rated. It may reflect deep cultural issues with trust in media, or a refreshing honesty about the effectiveness of clickbaiting headlines. The Irish certainly have trust issues. Only 46% trust the news in general, and 30% said they don’t trust most news. However 57% said they trust their chosen sources of news. Traditional news was seen as more accurate, reliable and trusted than online news in general, and TV news is seen to be more accurate than either print or online news, which will please RTÉ. Trust increases with age, education and income. Age makes a difference once again when it comes to preferred online news sources. The users of the traditional news brands – RTÉ, the Irish Independent, and the Irish Times – are much older than those for TheJournal.ie, which dominates among younger readers in the 18-24 and 25-34 age cohorts. RTÉ dominates the overall market. 58% watch TV news, and 33% listen to radio news. RTÉ radio and TV combined reach 65%. Online, RTÉ web offerings reach 31% of the potential audience. The Independent

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    Never read the comments

    By Gerard Cunningham It’s one of the first pieces of advice journalists share about their online work, and perhaps an adage that someone ought to have passed to Labour senator Lorraine Higgins. Higgins is the sponsor of one of two private members bills before the Oireachtas at the moment, each seeking to deal with “cyberbullying” and related issues. They raise questions about free speech in Ireland. In Higgins’ case, among other things, the Harmful and Malicious Electronic Communications Bill would introduce penalties of up to twelve months in jail or a €5,000 fine for “harmful” or “malicious” communications. The extent of its ambition is clearest in section 5, which provides that a court may demand that an individual apologise and delete a message on the internet even when a person had been found not guilty of any offence. Higgins has made cyberbullying her cause since the European elections in 2014, in which she was a candidate in the Ireland North constituency, when she received several messages on her campaign Facebook page. During the election, she tweeted a mockup of a Luke Ming Flanagan poster with Dustin the Turkey superimposed on Flanagan’s head, and the slogan “Don’t send another turkey to Europe”. (The poster has since been pointed to by some on twitter, accusing her of hypocrisy in her cyber-cleanup campaign.) Three weeks after the Ming the Turkey episode, Higgins made the news again when she told reporters she had reported death threats, to Gardai who had carried out a security sweep of her home. Newspaper reports at the time refer to three specific threats which were forwarded to Gardai. Despite several internet searches, only one of the three could be located for this article. The Facebook message, an outpouring of vulgar abuse, begins by addressing the senator as a “POXY traitorous two faced money grabbing bimbo bitch”, and moves on from there. Concluding with a (repeated) threat to “rip off your head and shove it up your hole”. It cannot have been an easy message to read, and given the nature of political campaigns and the depths to which online debates can sometimes sink, it was far from unique, but it is difficult to see that it makes up a credible threat. It’s vulgar abuse and an incoherent rant, not a plan of action. In an interview with Sean O’Rourke last year, Higgins outlined the contents of some of the other messages, including comments that she “should have been aborted”. She also revealed that she “had an individual who was attempting to blackmail me, but wouldn’t identify what he was attempting to blackmail me about”. (Clearly, we’re not dealing with Professor Moriarty here.) Higgins’ bill does make one useful proposal. In a blog, Fregal Crehan, a barrister who also runs The Hit Team, a business which helps individuals to “remove sensitive and private material from the internet”, notes the provision relating to “revenge porn”, where the law is currently lacking, though noting a data protection/privacy approach might be more effective than criminal sanctions. The free speech risks were highlighted by senator John Crown, who said the bill could be used to silence Mairia Cahill. Higgins response, that she would be exempt because she had “lawful excuse”, raised the eternal question, who gets to decide which speech is lawful, once some speech is deemed beyond the Pale. Free speech concerns led to the #KillTheBill hashtag on Twitter, although tweets also noted that the bill seemed unlikely to succeed in becoming law, given justice minister’s Frances Fitzgerald’s comments during the second stage debate that it “has the potential to be very dangerous”. The Seanad debate on the bill was preceded by news reports that a ‘troll’ had written to apologise to the senator. The letter was reproduced in at least one national newspaper. The writer states that at the time he was “unemployed, stressed, and deeply unhappy”, expresses his sorrow several times, and wishes the senator all the best in the future. In preparation for this article, an individual on Facebook who appeared to be the author of the letter was identified and contacted, but did not respond to a request for an interview. It is unclear at time of going to press whether Garda inquiries on foot of complaints by Senator Higgins are ongoing, or whether the DPP has reached a decision on prosecutions having received garda files. However it is worth noting either way that Garda officers felt able to launch an inquiry under existing public-order and harassment laws. •

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    John Murray goes quiet

    By Gerard Cunningham After five years John Murray would no longer be presenting his Radio 1 weekday morning show, from Friday 3 July. “The John Murray Show will come to a close”, the RTÉ statement stated simply. Brendan O’Connor would be taking over for July. Further details followed. Murray would return to Radio 1 in the Autumn in a “brand new role”, but no more details were given. And there would be news about who followed Brendan O’Connor later. But not yet. John Murray seemed an unusual choice to replace Ryan Tubridy in the morning slot five years ago. But then again RTÉ has never been quite sure what to do with the hour between 9AM and 10AM. Sandwiched between the news heavyweights of ‘Morning Ireland’ and the ‘Today’ programme, the slot has a mandate to concentrate on ‘lighter’ stories, with a mix of human-interest and offbeat interviews. Murray has spent some time on ‘Morning Ireland’, before moving on topresent ‘The Business’. The Saturday programme didn’t offer much outlet for creativity (let’s face it, businessmen are dull), but Murray did find a comedy vein to mine in an amusing regular feature mocking the ridiculous excesses of business and PR jargon. He seemed like a talented character. But all humour works in context, and it was the very dullness and self-importance of many of the subjects in The Business which made the jargon gags work. Despite the best efforts of Murray and his production team, the topical jokes which introduced each morning’s John Murray show always sounded, by contrast, a little laboured. It felt like the grafting of a TV monologue onto a radio production – Jay Leno meets Operation Transformation, yet the team persisted with it for the entire run of the show. Nevertheless, Murray did manage to carve out an identity for himself, as for example in promoting the John Murray Walking Club, which tied in with the less successful Operation Transformation for slimmers – a minority interest imposed on a working audience unlikely to be in the mood for the faux exuberance it championed. Who will replace Murray? In his first day on the programme, Brendan O’Connor was eager to point out that he was not the replacement. He told his audience he had simply been booked as a four-week holiday stand-in, and emphasised that this had happened before the announcement was made. Furthermore, he said, he had no idea who would take over after his holiday stint. Ray D’Arcy, currently occupying the mid-afternoon slot between ‘Joe Duffy’ and ‘Drivetime’, would seem a logical choice for RTÉ. Before his defection back to the mothership at the end of last year, he helmed the mid-morning show on TodayFM. And despite his protests that he knows nothing, Brendan O’Connor is also a possible candidate. He has built up a following in his time as a Saturday night chat show host, and is generally at ease with the mix of light features and magazine stories the timeslot has been deemed to require. An outside candidate might be Marty Morrissey, who also took charge of the mid-afternoon slot for a while during the interregnum between Derek Mooney and Ray D’Arcy. Morrissey might equally be a candidate to return to the afternoon slot in the scheduling musical chairs if D’Arcy makes the move. Dublin 4 would not take cheer and Radio 1 would be in danger of losing its unique selling point, however. Miriam O’Callaghan also held down the fort for a while, when Murray was on sick leave in 2013, and attracted notice, not least because listenership figures increased during her demure tenure. And she is only one of several women in the broadcaster who are good candidates for the position, among them Keelin Shanley, Rachel English, Aine Lawlor and Claire Byrne. What seems unlikely is that RTE would abandon the basic template of its daytime schedule. John Murray’s replacement will host a programme that runs for one hour, between ‘Morning Ireland’ and the impressively serious Sean O’Rourke. A move as daring as increasing the running time of the show, or eliminating it and moving O’Rourke’s start to 9AM, is unlikely. And while the format may vary slightly in terms of tone and topics, RTÉ’s innate conservatism means that it will essentially continue the established pattern of interview segments with occasional quizzes and musical breaks. A truemagazine programme, with extended outside reports from contributing reporters, seems to be the least likely format in the Autumn. Meantime, none of his team at the station has any firm information and there is no news of what John Murray’s “brand new role” (the description itself suggests a jaded joylessness) in the Autumn will be, whether a return to an old haunt like ‘The Business’ or ‘Morning Ireland’, or a new venture. •

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    Confessions of a Broadsheet addict

    Oh Broadsheet.ie! Where did you come from and why do I flit to you so reflexively? Why are the newspapers, which you for some reason call “De Newspapers”, suddenly so full of you? You are George Orwell for our Irish age. No concern needed, these post-modern days, to secure the “hearing” that motivated him: with digital journalism immortalising our inglorious musings, we are all indeed much, and long, heard. And I don’t just mean the narcissism of a blog or under-followed Twitter account. For now we have the power without responsibility that is the interactive and anonymous “news source for the bewildered”. Everything. As it happens”. Though not so much usually. And yet you showed spine against Ireland’s biggest bully. Contradictory ‘Broadsheet’, refuge of the office drone, dog-wagger of official Ireland, purgatory of the arts graduate, icon for the libertarian, past-rejecting Y-generation. You never quite know when to just keep schtum. You wear your liberalism like an old scout’s badge, while an army of unpaid volunteers (me included) chomp and choke on a tsunami of sub-journalistic tidbits. Gay-cake debacle anyone? A cat that looks like Ireland? Broadsheet marches to the beat of twitterdom and twitterdee. It vituperates the Iona Institute and all its progeny and smirks at our ante-deluvian institutions and their machinations. It celebrates little politically though it loves High Design and it cannot get enough gay rights and the campaigns they spawn. Almost whimsically and perhaps in closet guilt at the apparent libertarianism of its no doubt mostly junior advertising exec readership (it promotes, nay ogles, Julien Mercille, conspiracy theorist extraordinaire, Maître Mitty on a Monday. Worse still – and alien to the “get that stateout of my life readership, this is a leftie. “Beef cake”, ” boffin”, “egghead”, “the man they all want to marry”: all bou ant hair and sallow skin, his clean-cut just-bathed Canadian earnestness, an embodiment of dissent for Broadsheet’s hirsute, lycra-clad, hashtag revolutionaries. Julienne, You tease us with your threat of taser-flashing Gardaí; whip us into a frenzy with your regurgitation of pertinent surveys, poke us with your boring quotes from the eminent King and Thoreau. I applaud your refusal to succumb to what you describe as the media’s “propaganda of silence”, as you buzz around, flogging your book on every show in town. May I be so bold as to suggest you partake in the donning of a trench coat, a suitable accoutrement, a worthy homage to your mots. Noms de Plume such as “FluffyBiscuits”, “Spaghetti Hoops” and “Bodger”: words synonymous with childhood innocence, a Freudian nod perhaps to the infantilism of Broadsheet, where ‘Animal Farm’ meets Old McDonald and Broadsheet ends up confusing our furry friends with the Irish electorate? What would Village make of a cat named after that notoriously unreliable chronicler, Herodotus, recently to be found on Broadsheet, purring at us (as Gaeilge, no less) mere humans to vote (Yes)? To meet the standards imposed by Broadsheet editorially, the poster requires just a talent to irritate the commenter merely the ability to circumnavigate a crude filter. Though there are suspicions that one John Ryan posts under more than one Nom and some of the commenters seem suspiciously on-message. Even Village, doctrinaire as it is, deigns to allow dissenters: John Waters and Ruth Cullen. Constantin Gurdgiev with his Beckettian opaqueness. But Broadsheet only posts counter-liberal perspectives in a way that invites attack. Despite its name, suggestive of an open platform, where anything goes, Broadsheet and its commentariat are – dare I say it – profoundly Catholic in tone, devoutly intolerant of any counterweight to the individualistic, hipster agenda. Its commenters and posters drown in a pool of contradictions, one minute decrying “Je suis Charlie”, the next putting the boot into “Ich bin Hitler” merchants. And what’s going on with over 20 posts about the Fuehrer? Broadsheet’s approach confuses editorial restraint with neutrality and balanced critique with trolling, hysterically accusing those who challenge the bluff of its resident in “journalists”, of risible blueshirtisms. Perhaps Broadsheet should pay some heed (on this and only this) to the bluster of Julien Mercille who in his attempt at adult analysis, opines worthily though uninterestingly that “democracy is a full time job and much remains to be accomplished”. I challenge the chalet-girl spirit of Broadsheet, but can concede Broadsheet, being all things to all modern men, is not without its merits, though perhaps the sheet is narrower than it thinks. Lost, Broadsheet be thy carriage office. Public order offence, Broadsheet be thy kangaroo court. Gay, Broadsheet be thy brave champion. Spill thy guts, Broadsheet be thy diary. Gossipmonger, iconoclast, purveyor of transcripts, bolsterer of the hipster status quo. Bully, dogmatist, materialist. Never entirely unintelligent though hardly wise. Know thyself. Why Broadsheet thou art indeed the entertaining slutty un-grown-up child of thy paper predecessors. Redemption ows from thy every post.

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    DABbling unpaid

    By Gerard Cunningham Trade unions within RTÉ are planning to challenge the broadcaster’s practice of using unpaid labour to keep its digital audio broadcasting (DAB) digital channels in operation, it has emerged. Radio communications manager Maureen Catterson has confirmed that 44 volunteers are currently rostered to produce content at a variety of locations for the station’s five digital channels. “They range from music enthusiasts producing and filing content from overseas to individuals who are in full time jobs who want to be part of the evolution of radio content”, Catterson said. “At the very beginning of any engagement it is made clear that it is voluntary and there is no remuneration”. The digital channels, launched in 2007, include RTÉ Pulse, a dance music channel, 2XM, Radio 1 Extra, RTÉ Gold, and RTÉ Junior. “The budgetary allocation for this section,  most of which is allocated to transmission-related costs, is very small. Currently without a commercial revenue stream to underpin the section it is simply not possible to offer remuneration to the team of voluntary presenters and content-makers on these services. If the presenters were paid it is a reality that we would have had to discontinue the services some years ago”. “There have been many examples of volunteer Digital Radio presenters breaking through to the FM services: Emma Power, Carl Mullan, Louise Denver and Colm Flynn are to name a few. These presenters are of course paid for their services on any of the for FM stations”. “With the majority of the Digital Radio budget being allocated to transmission costs, from the outset in 2007 it has not been possible to offer anything other than production support and mentoring to any volunteer to these services. RTÉ radio has been very clear and transparent about this”. “Unfortunately the challenging financial environment in which RTÉ has operated for the last number of years has not facilitated any change to this position. This position is constantly under review. It is not unusual for broadcasters to engage voluntary presenters on their digital radio services”. “From the very start of the Digital Radio project, RTÉ Radio has engaged with and outlined to the group of Unions within RTÉ that the nature of the presenting work is voluntary”. However, a union representative said that the use of unpaid presenters only came to light when Scott de Buitléir resigned from his position presenting LGBT programme “The Cosmo” on RTE Pulse, during the marriage equality referendum, as he felt he was being silenced. In a blog post explaining his decision, de Buitléir mentioned in passing that he had worked unpaid on the programme. “I became aware of people volunteering when I read Scott’s blog post about resigning”, said Emma O’Kelly, chair of the NUJ’s broadcasting branch. “The NUJ Broadcasting Branch has not been made aware of any NUJ members who have not been paid for work in RTÉ. If any member finds themselves in that situation, we would urge them to alert their union rep immediately”. O’Kelly also confirmed that she has spoken to the Trade Union Group (TUG) in RTÉ, and that other trade unions in the national broadcaster said they were also unaware of the practice. “We in the Broadcasting branch would be very concerned about this matter, and we are going to raise it with RTÉ via the TUG. The TUG would share our concern as well. Neither of us would condone the use of unpaid workers in any part of the national broadcaster”. “There has been no approach to the TUG from RTÉ about this matter, and RTÉ would come to the TUG with proposals about internships, we are currently in fact in long-term discussions about internships for students, for graduates, but no approaches have been made about the use of unpaid staff or so-called “volunteers”. “We will be raising it: it is on the agenda for the next meeting of the TUG in mid June. We are going to contact RTÉ”. One unpaid contributor who did not wish to be named for fear of repercussions said he knew of two dozen unpaid contributors, who worked as presenters and also produced their own programmes. And he said that paid and unpaid presenters and producers worked side by side, as some RTÉstaff from 2FM also worked on the digital channels. “There aren’t really producers on the shows, you have do everything yourself”, the contributor said. “There are probably three or four people a night doing their own shows, they’re all voluntary”. “I spend half a day every week on my show, four or five hours. If I interview people and then edit the interview, it can be double that. There are weeks when RTÉ has got 10 or 12 free hours out of me. I wish it was two hours, at least then Ireland’s renowned national broadcaster would only be milking me for two free hours a week”. •

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    Up their own ileum

    By Michael Smith In 2013, I wrote in Village that Denis O’Brien, Ireland’s most powerful media owner was exercising an extraordinarily chilling effect on journalism and journalists after grossly negative findings against him in the Moriarty Tribunal. I detailed his litigious “promiscuity”: how a large number of Ireland’s best-known journalists including Eamon Dunphy, Sam Smyth, Elaine Byrne as well as Transparency International had been threatened by Denis O’Brien and were not keen to comment on his affairs after that. Anne Harris, then editor of the Sunday Independent, claimed that 17 journalists have received legal letters from Denis O’Brien in the previous ten years. In 2013 O’Brien had obtained an injunction stopping the Sunday Times publishing confidential details of his business relationship with cash-short Paddy McKillen. In 2014 he was to be awarded €150,000 by the High Court after the Irish Mail questioned his philanthropy. The late and distinguished Paul Drury had written that O’Brien “kept popping up” on RTÉ news to promote his image “set to be tarnished by a pending report of the Moriarty tribunal”. It was, Drury wrote, an “ingenious feint”. Unfortunately for the Mail, this view of the facts did not hold up. In May this year O’Brien successfully obtained an injunction stopping RTÉ from broadcasting a report relating to his private and confidential banking affairs with Irish Bank Resolution Corporation (IBRC) which he claimed breached his privacy rights and would cause him incalculable commercial damage. RTÉ had opposed the injunction on grounds including the right to freedom of expression and public interest. It also argued the courts should be slow to interfere with legitimate journalistic judgment. Binchy J in the High  Court resolved the matter – reasonably it seems to me – on the basis the “court must take account of the fact that very little, if any, connection has at this stage been established between the public interest in alleged failure of corporate governance at IBRC and Mr O’Brien’s personal dealings with IBRC”. It seems to me that Mr O’Brien takes good legal cases and threatens others that are not so  good. This does not mean he will win every case anyone is brave enough to defend against him. For example, the most notable thing about O’Brien, apart from the fact he is Ireland’s richest man, is that he made two payments to then Minister Lowry, in 1996 and 1999, totalling approximately £500,000, and supported a loan of Stg£420,000 given to Lowry in 1999. The Moriarty tribunal found that the payments from O’Brien were “demonstrably referable to the acts and conduct of Mr Lowry”, acts which benefited Esat Digifone. In 2013, O’Brien informed Village that “I take very serious objection to the use of the word ‘corruption’ in the context of my involvement in the licence process. This Moriarty Tribunal (very deliberately) made no reference whatsoever of corruption in any aspect relating to me when it came to publishing its report”. However, I concluded in the 2013 article that it was “not clear that the payments to Lowry were not indeed susceptible to a finding that they were towards the corruption end of the impropriety continuum”.   So…you can say Denis O’Brien behaved “towards the corruption end of the impropriety continuum”. What you cannot do is say he is feigning philanthropy, for he is a generous man. Or print leaked documents about his banking affairs, since no-one expects their private banking affairs to appear in the media – unless presumably there is some impropriety or scandal, which had not been shown in the case O’Brien won in May. The media tend to see it otherwise. But the media have form in cowardice.  For years they have also largely abjured reportage on the affairs of Dermot Desmond who  was hammered in the Glackin report and implicated in the unsavoury funding of former Taoiseach Charles Haughey in the Moriarty Tribunal, but who had ratcheted up a large number of defamation successes over the years. And all the media failed to report the thrust of the “Ansbacher dossier” in which a conservative Department of Enterprise “authorised officer” documented an apparent conspiracy to keep the identities of a large number of powerful people associated with unethical or illegal offshore accounts, out of the light of investigation or the glare of publicity. That issue was obfuscated on the issue of the naming in the Dáil last year by Mary Lou McDonald of six mostly well-known alleged depositors in Ansbacher accounts. Village uniquely published the dossier but did not name these people. All other media failed in their responsibility to report and explicate the serious allegations of conspiracy, and certainly did not print the dossier. To this day they still substitute for publication and investigation a denigration of Mary Lou McDonald’s availing of parliamentary privilege. Ms McDonald was right to use the privilege but it would have been better if she had focused on the apparent conspiracy not the headline names. RTÉ, of course, has form: in 2013 it largely ignored the Lowry Tapes, in which Lowry admitted to having paid €250,000 additional to what he told the Moriarty Tribunal, to land agent Kevin Phelan, leaving it to the privately-owned TV3 to broadcast them. Elaine Byrne who originally broke the Tapes story reckons RTÉ in total devoted only “20 minutes, incidental” coverage to the tapes before she gave them to the Vincent Browne show. Defending RTé David Nally, Managing Editor, RTÉ Current Affairs, contended that the Lowry Tape “got the coverage it deserved” and “does not advance the story significantly beyond the findings of the Moriarty Tribunal”, even though the tape seems to show that Lowry perjured himself and raises questions as to where his company got the covered-up €250,000 to pay Kevin Phelan. And of course RTÉ caved in and paid out surprisingly readily, when members of the Iona Institute threatened it with defamation actions after Panti Bliss called members “homophobes” on Brendan O’Connor’s ‘Saturday Night Show’. Taking these messages (and these and other payouts) for received wisdom, noting

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