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    Lying like a trooper. Internment, murder and vilification. Did Brigadier Kitson instigate the Ballymurphy massacre smear campaign? Where was Soldier F and his ‘gallant’ death squad during it?

      By David Burke. 1. Where was the ‘EFGH’ Unit of Support Company of 1 Para during the Ballymurphy Massacre? Next week marks the 50th anniversary of the introduction of internment. It began on 9 August 1971. By the 11th, ten people had been murdered by paratroopers in Ballymurphy. Earlier this year, the coroner who oversaw the inquest for the victims of the Ballymurphy massacre confirmed that none of them had been involved in violence . Put simply, they were killed in cold blood by soldiers of the Parachute Regiment and others working alongside them. One of the victims was a mother who was shot in the head while out looking for her children. It has also emerged that Lance Corporal David James Cleary – better known as Soldier F – was involved in activity deemed “gallantry” by his superiors on 9-11 August. He was ‘mentioned in despatches’ as a result. Those in command of Cleary included Major Edward Loden, Colonel Derek Wilford and Brigadier Frank Kitson. At a minimum, this means Cleary  was involved in some sort of military action, probably an operation involving the discharge of his weapon. Bearing in mind the appalling murders he perpetrated in Derry the following January, it is legitimate to ask what he and others in the Support Company of the 1st Parachute Regiment (1 Para) were doing during the various shootings, incidents that are collectively referred to as the Ballymurphy massacre? During the Ballymurphy massacre innocent unarmed civilians were shot dead. They posed no threat to the paratroopers. Some were shot in the back. None had paramilitary connections. This is exactly the type of murderous behaviour in which Cleary engaged when he went to Derry a few months later. The conduct of the paratroopers in Ballymurphy was callous. Joan Connolly was forty years old. She was shot at 7:15 p.m. on 9 August while she scoured the streets for her children. She came across another victim, Noel Phillips, who was lying on the ground. She went to help him. The first bullet threw her to the ground. According to witnesses, after she was hit, she managed to get up again only to be struck by a second round, this one penetrating her head. She had eight children ranging between three and twenty-two. When she was found, half of her skull was missing. Bullets had also penetrated her shoulder, hand and thigh. Her children were taken to Waterford in the Republic of Ireland. They missed her funeral which they saw reported on the television. The victims of the massacre were vilified as rioters and paramilitaries. Cleary was not the only paratrooper ‘mentioned in despatches’ for gallantry in Belfast during 9-11 August who subsequently went to Derry on Bloody Sunday. 2. Support Company Death Squads. 1 and 2 Para had various ‘companies’ including those called ‘support companies’. In normal warfare they carried mortars and provided ‘support’ for the actions of their colleagues. Clearly, there was no need for mortars and the like in Belfast or Derry. Soldiers attached to 1 Para were deployed in Belfast during the August 1971 internment sweeps. 2 Para was also active. It is clear that Support Company of 2 Para was involved in some of the murders in Ballymurphy. Did paratroopers from 2 Para’s Support Company ever transfer to 1 Para or visa versa? If Cleary and the likes of soldiers E, G and H (as they were designated at the Bloody Sunday tribunals) did not transfer from 2 Para to 1 Para, it means that ruthless and callous murderers were assigned to both support companies. Overall, it is probable that Kitson assigned his most ruthless paratroopers to the various support companies under his command, the men willing to shoot unarmed civilians if so ordered. The fact that harmless people were shot in the back, head and whilst crawling along the ground in both Ballymurphy and the Bogside cannot have happened out of the blue. Cleary and his comrades must have been dehumanised and conditioned to do this. That process may have begun in places such as Kenya, Malaya and Aden where the locals were seen as vermin by the troops. If Kitson and his commanders did not order, permit or somehow encourage these elite troops to murder civilians on the street during the Ballymurphy massacre; and they proceeded to do so on their own volition, why did those in command not stop their murderous escapades? Why did the top brass allow them to continue to serve in the ranks? Kitson in particular was a stickler for discipline. One did not step out of line on his watch. Instead, Cleary and his ilk went to the Bogside and Bloody Sunday took place.   The Support Company killers active during the Ballymurphy massacre were probably acting on orders from their superiors to provoke the IRA in the hope they would engage in open street fighting with them. The usual tactic of the IRA was to snipe at troops from the shadows and disappear. In addition, the terror unleashed by Kitson’s paratroopers has all the appearance of a punishment administered to the general Nationalist community for harbouring – as Kitson perceived it – the Official and Provisional IRA in their midst. The latter motive was in line with the sinister – albeit orthodox – counterinsurgency methodology of the time. Indeed, Kitson outlined the tactic in his book, ‘Low Intensity Operations’ (1971). See Brigadier Kitson’s motive for murdering unarmed civilians in Ballymurphy. 3. Brigadier Kitson’s direct personal involvement in the vilification of civilians killed by his troops in Belfast. An equally important question is: who instigated the vilification process of the Ballymurphy murder victims? The overwhelming odds are that it was Brigadier Frank Kitson. Simon Winchester, then a young Guardian journalist, has revealed how Kitson manipulated the media. In a Guardian article in May 2001 he described how, after shooting incidents in Belfast, he would often call Kitson who was his “principal contact at army headquarters”. Frank and I liked each

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    Tired of Zappone, Varadkar and Martin

    As the summer turns to rain it’s time for some fresh faces. By Conor Lenihan. In the light of the botched Zappone Envoy appointment the Covid lockdown guidelines are again under the microscope.When is a Lockdown guideline not really a line of any sort?Clearly when former Taoiseach and current Tánaiste Leo Varadkar is in attendance at a party then the guidelines can be safely ignored.One feels a certain sympathy for the former European Commisioner Phil Hogan who was confused in relation to the shindig down in Clifden.Leo Varadkar and Micheál Martin brooked none of it – swiftly dispatching Hogan from his position.The three leaders of the coalition went one further and wrote to the President of the European Commission to underline their unease. It is a different matter of course when Leo Varadkar and Katherine Zappone decide to have a party attended by Dublin’s political glitterati, including Ivana Bacik and Dónall Geoghegan, the joint chief-of-staff of Green Party leader, Eamon Ryan. That’s all we know so far of who attended the Zappone ‘just in from New York’ gig. The frisson of excitement and anticipation at the Merrion Hotel party must have been hard to bear. You can easily envisage the Covid equivalent of air kisses in the sultry five-star dusk.The party itself, viewed in retrospect, has all the appearances of a celebration in advance by insiders of a yet to be announced Envoy appointment.The only persons of importance not at the party seem to have been ascetic Micheál Martin and his busy Attorney General Paul Gallagher.Martin and Gallagher have offices across the road from the Merrion Hotel. The absence of these two has not prevented them from providing a strong element of cover for colleague Varadkar’s attendance. The Attorney General showed himself ready with a legal opinion to pronounce the occasion for 50 in line with Covid guidelines.This kind of rapid legal clarification of Covid guidelines and their meaning has been largely absent since the pandemic began.  More discomfiting still is the commentary of solicitor Simon McGarr who notes that: “the limit is not 200 attendees, but 200 people ‘proposed to attend’, which suggests a limit on invites rather than people who turn up. Because, even as the Attorney General was issuing his blessing for up-to-200-person social events in hotel gardens, the non-statutory guidelines from Fáilte Ireland, which hotels and other hospitality businesses have followed dutifully were unambiguous: ‘Meetings/ Events: Organised events are not permitted’”. So…it is clear the Attorney was being charitable. Still, the behaviour of Leo Varadkar is not too hard to understand.After all the Tánaiste has already steered a coach and horses through cabinet  protocol when it comes to leaking government documents. It seems – irony of ironies – he cannot now sanction a Fine Gael colleague who leaked the Zappone  appointment to the media while the cabinet was still meeting.The actions of Micheál Martin throughout the Zappone drama are entirely in character – shifty in the extreme.Martin is Taoiseach – notionally in charge of the country.At the meeting discussing the Zappone appointment he confessed himself to have been ” blindsided” by Simon Coveney’s extravagant Envoy idea.Martin was so blindsided as to be rendered speechless. When Coveney proposed the appointment neither Martin nor his timid Fianna Fáil cabinet colleagues murmured a modest exhalation of objection. The next day the Martin advisors were busy leaking to the media, hint-hint, that the Taoiseach was always apprehensive about the appointment. The question remains – why be in cabinet as Taoiseach and not stop something that you clearly believe to be demonstrably wrong?The normal thing at cabinet when there is an anxiety about the optics of a decision is to have it, at the very least, postponed.Martin has taken the art of taking cabinet responsibility to a new level. It would appear that Martin, as is often the case, wanted to have his cake and eat it – let the Zappone appointment through on the nod, but object to it afterwards.He and Leo Varadkar have a slightly dysfunctional cabinet arrangement.  For a start, Varadkar and his colleagues are inveterate leakers. Their advisors make Varadkar look great by getting out fast with cabinet decisions and pre-emptive drive-by commentary.Varadkar looks good as result – with Martin looking weak and not in control. This ongoing scenario between Varadkar and Martin is not politically sustainable. In fact as high summer turns rainy it is a car crash waiting for a dangerous bend.Either or both Varadkar and Martin will have to eventually go.There is no sign,  as of yet, that either Martin or Varadkar have fully internalised this fact.  Fine Gael have the luxury of being able to take their time about this decision.After all, all going smoothly, Leo Varadkar is going to be Taoiseach at the end of next year. Fine Gael’s relatively strong showing in the opinion polls affords greater time for reflection. Mind you, Fionnán Sheahan of the Irish Independent has pronounced both Coveney and Varadkar out of touch because of the long time in power. Micheál Martin is by far the most vulnerable of the party leaders in the coalition. His TDs are evenly split as to whether he should stay or go. Those who do not have a ministerial position are bound to be more vociferous. Contenders to replace Martin position would relish a stint as Taoiseach, even if only for a year, before handing the job back.  It really is time for some fresh faces. Conor Lenihan is a former Minister for Science, Technology & Innovation. His biography of Albert Reynolds, ‘Risktaker for Peace’, will be published by the Merrion Press in the autumn.

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    Zapp One in the Eye for good governance.

    Former Minister getting plum diplomatic gig inflames leadership issues in two main government parties.  By Conor Lenihan. The appointment of Katherine Zappone as an Irish diplomatic envoy has already let loose a lot of free speech – not all of it complimentary. The question is: at a very challenging time for the state do we need another diplomat based in New York? Ireland already has a very expensive office in downtown Manhattan and a Consul General to the UN. In my time in the department of Foreign Affairs there was no great clamour to spend more money at the UN. It is the ‘insider dealing’ aspect of it that sticks in people’s craws. But even worse than cronyism is the wilful waste of public money, even on a small scale. The diplomatic pomposity and arrogance of this appointment is breathtaking. The gesture itself suggests a minister who has spent too much time on the Embassy cocktail circuit. Moreover, despite the prophecies of doom there is no great threat to freedom of speech on the global horizon. If anything our digital, fast-moving, media world has a surplus of free speech. Whether intended or not, the envoy appointment looks like an excuse to junket for the appointee. There is no end to the amount of important conferences that could be attended on the theme of free speech. Some cynics are already insinuating that Simon Coveney made the appointment to brush up his credentials with the Pride constituency. That in itself is fairly ironic given Coveney’s rather blatant hyping of his “family values” when contesting the  Fine Gael leadership a few short years ago. More dangerous to a party used to ironies is the fact that the cabinet minister responsible for leaking the story has already been identified as a prominent rival of Coveney for the job of leader of Fine Gael. The minister who leaked is unlikely to be punished for the simple reason that his boss Leo Varadkar is under Garda investigation for one of his own controversial leaks. There are at least two Fine Gael cabinet colleagues of Varadkar who are staking him out – the two Simons, Harris and Coveney. Meanwhile Micheál Martin is hanging on as leader of Fianna Fáil by his fingertips. If it were it not for the pandemic there would already be blood on the carpet. The horrible thought has occurred to some in Fianna Fáil that the party of ironies may again steal its thunder – by replacing its  leader before Fianna Fáil does. The real indignity for Martin is that, in breach of longstanding practice, Coveney didn’t even bother to tell him in advance of the Zappone stratagem. Almost every week Martin is further humiliated by Varadkar’s drive-by commentary on yet to be announced cabinet decisions. As veteran Kilkenny commentator Jimmy Rhatigan indelicately put it if Varadkar goes to the toilet these days Micheál Martin is there to flush it. Fianna Fáil deputies and activists routinely tell me these days that Fine Gael is running rings around them in office. When the party meets for its inquest in September into its spectacular low showing in a Dublin by election they will have a lot to ponder. What is delaying things in Fianna Fail? Arguably FF has a much greater need to freshen up its leadership given its poor showing in the public polls. Observers point to the baleful influence of the so-called “payroll vote”. Despite the reduction of FF seats in the last election more than half of them are now in jobs of one kind or another – Committee Chairs, Ministers, or Ministers of State. In this rather perverse application of the “house always wins” principle nobody gets to change, let alone change the leadership. However, younger deputies may need to  be reminded of the party’s  history where TDs feeling blocked from possible promotion chose to push both Lynch and Haughey off the stage. Few are blaming the strangely quiescent Zappone for wanting the bauble offered by Varadkar and Coveney but this silent diplomat may have triggered more than she expected when she sought preferment. Conor Lenihan is a former Minister for Science, Technology & Innovation. His forthcoming biography of Albert Reynolds Reynolds ‘Risktaker for Peace’ is to be published by the Merrion Press in September 

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    Kitson’s Private Army: the thugs, killers and racists who terrorised Belfast and Derry. Soldier F was one of their number.

    By David Burke. Brigadier Frank Kitson, who is still alive, ran 39 Airportable Brigade area, i.e. Belfast, as if he was a mob boss with the city his patch. He let the paratroopers under his command run riot in that domain. Some of the more decent and honourable British army officers were aghast at their excesses and asked HQNI to keep them away from their sectors. The shock troops of Support Company of 1 Para became known as ‘Kitson’s Private Army’. 1. State terrorist. There was method to Kitson’s madness, albeit of a grotesque variation: he wanted to make Belfast hell for any community he suspected was or was likely to become an IRA stronghold. Kitson also established the MRF death squads and began the process of collusion with the UDA, UVF and Red Hand Commando terror groups. His counterinsurgency tactics backfired with disastrous results. In effect, he became the greatest recruiting sergeant for which the IRA could have hoped. 2. The ‘Gunge’ Eaters Kitson’s paratroopers, a motley crew of thugs, racists and rapists, were permitted to assault and even kill those they believed had stepped out of line. Rifle butts were used to smash teeth, ribs and noses as a matter of routine while Catholic homes were often ransacked. Michael Asher, author of ‘Shoot To Kill’, described the violence he witnessed while serving as a paratrooper in Belfast in the early 1970s. There were a lot of fights in the barracks: They were what happens in most exclusively male societies: fights to determine the pecking order and who can boss who. But they weren’t the only exotic form of entertainment. One group of soldiers would hold so-called ‘gunge’ contests. They sat around in a circle and tried to outdo each other in acts of gross obscenity, like eating shit and drinking urine. [Asher, Michael, Shoot to Kill: Journey Through Violence (Cassell Military Paperbacks, London, 2003), p.119.] Asher has also described how the paratroopers came to despise the Nationalist community: During house searches they vented their anger on their victims, smashing down doors and breaking up furniture, kicking and rifle-butting anyone who resisted, making lewd suggestions to the women of the house and threatening the children. Some of them tormented the quiet Pakistani in the [regimental] shop until he threw a chip-pan of boiling fat at them. They battered to death a stray cat that wandered past the OP and held up its mangled corpse to the children who came looking for it. [Asher (2003), p.119–20.] Asher knew paratroopers who were truly scraped from the very bottom of the barrel: Several of them boasted of dragging a mentally deficient girl into the OP [observation post] and forcing her to perform oral sex. They said she enjoyed it. [Asher (2003), p.119–20.]   3. Some of the soldiers of Support Company who invaded the Bogside on Bloody Sunday. The sequence of photographs which follows contains pictures of some of the paratroopers who participated in the attack on the Bogside on Bloody Sunday.     4. Mass Murder. It was Kitson’s paratroopers who perpetrated the Ballymurphy massacre in August 1971. 1 Para went to Derry on Bloody Sunday on ‘loan’ from Kitson. It was they who perpetrated the massacre. They disobeyed the orders issued to them by the Brigadier of Derry, Pat MacLellan. Brigadier MacLellan had not wanted 1 Para to go near the Bogside on Bloody Sunday. Lord Widgery conducted a cover-up of what Kitson’s troops did in Derry on Bloody Sunday. Kitson’s name did not even appear once – anywhere – in Widgery’s Report. Lord Saville virtually ignored him in his 2010 report. David Burke is the author of ‘Kitson’s Irish War’. It can be purchased here:  https://www.mercierpress.ie/irish-books/kitson-s-irish-war/ OTHER STORIES ABOUT BLOODY SUNDAY, THE BALLYMURPHY MASSACRE, BRIGADIER FRANK KITSON AND COLONEL DEREK WILFORD ON THIS WEBSITE:   The covert plan to smash the IRA in Derry on Bloody Sunday by David Burke Soldier F’s Bloody Sunday secrets. David Cleary knows enough to blackmail the British government. Learning to kill Colin Wallace: Bloody Sunday, a very personal perspective Lying like a trooper. Internment, murder and vilification. Did Brigadier Kitson instigate the Ballymurphy massacre smear campaign? Where was Soldier F and his ‘gallant’ death squad during it? Another bloody mess. Frank Kitson’s contribution to the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. 300,000 have died in Afghanistan since 1979. Lying like a trooper. Internment, murder and vilification. Did Brigadier Kitson instigate the Ballymurphy massacre smear campaign? Where was Soldier F and his ‘gallant’ death squad during it? A Foul Unfinished Business. The shortcomings of, and plots against, Saville’s Bloody Sunday Inquiry. Kitson’s Private Army: the thugs, killers and racists who terrorised Belfast and Derry. Soldier F was one of their number. Soldier F and Brigadier Kitson’s elite ‘EFGH’ death squad: a murderous dirty-tricks pattern is emerging which links Ballymurphy with Bloody Sunday. A second soldier involved in both events was ‘mentioned in despatches’ at the behest of Kitson for his alleged bravery in the face of the enemy. Mentioned in Despatches. Brigadier Kitson and Soldier F were honoured in the London Gazette for their gallantry in the face of the enemy during the internment swoops of August 1971. Soldier F, the heartless Bloody Sunday killer, is named. Mission accomplished. The unscrupulous judge who covered-up the Bloody Sunday murders. Soldier F and other paratroopers have been protected by the British State for five decades. None of them now face prosecution. This perversion of justice began with the connivance of the Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales, John Widgery, a former British Army brigadier, Freemason and oath-breaker. Counterinsurgency war criminals, liars and cowards: Kitson and Wilford, the brigadier and colonel who led the soldiers who perpetrated the Ballymurphy Massacre. Brigadier Kitson’s motive for murdering unarmed civilians in Ballymurphy. The McGurk’s Bar cover-up. Heath’s Faustian pact. How a British prime minister covered up a UVF massacre in the hope of acquiring Unionist votes to enable the UK join the European Economic Community, the forerunner of the

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    A Foul Unfinished Business. The shortcomings of, and plots against, Saville’s Bloody Sunday Inquiry.

      By David Burke. 1. 50-year Concerted Cover-up. The British government’s determination to absolve all British soldiers involved in killings during the Troubles means that there are now precious few opportunities to get to the bottom of what really happened during the Ballymurphy massacre and on Bloody Sunday. The Bloody Sunday cover-up went into high gear in April 1972 with the report by the duplicitous Freemason and Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales, Lord Widgery. See: Mission accomplished. The unscrupulous judge who covered-up the Bloody Sunday murders. Soldier F and other paratroopers have been protected by the British State for five decades. None of them now face prosecution. This perversion of justice began with the connivance of the Lord Chief Justice of England and Wales, John Widgery, a former British Army brigadier, Freemason and oath-breaker. 2. A stab in the back: the Ministry of Defence’s charade of sympathy while waging a secret black propaganda campaign of vilification. Widgery’s report was condemned as a whitewash around the globe, something that forced the grey-suited gnomes in Whitehall to plot a course correction within two years of its publication. This involved a pretence at sympathy for the relatives of the 14 murder victims of Bloody Sunday. The charade manifested itself in December 1974 when the Ministry of Defence (MoD) announced that it was going to pay out £41,500 to the families of those killed in Derry as a gesture of “conciliation and goodwill”. Slyly, while this was taking place, a cohort of black propagandists were vilifying the victims of the massacre. The smear campaign was led by Hugh Mooney, T. E. Utley, Brian Crozier and the smearmeisters of the sinister Information Research Department (IRD) of the Foreign Office. The money spent on the various smear campaigns was probably a multiple of the cynical token gesture afforded to the families. The policy of carrot and smear was not a success and the issue remained an open wound. The relatives’ families pressed ahead with a  campaign for justice assisted by an array of activists, artists, lawyers, politicians, authors and journalists. Finally, in January 1998, Tony Blair announced a fresh inquiry to be led by Lord Saville of Newdigate. Blair stated that Widgery had rushed his work, had failed to take evidence from the wounded and had not read the eyewitness accounts personally. 3. A cynical prediction about the likely outcome of the Saville Inquiry. Tom Hayden, a Californian State Senator and former anti-war movement leader, who has studied state-sponsored cover-ups, predicted in 1998 that: “The more cynical analysis of the new Bloody Sunday inquiry under Lord Saville is that it will become another exercise in damage control, with perhaps some new drops of truth leaking out. In this scenario, the innocence of the victims will be reaffirmed once more and responsibility for the shooting lodged with an isolated “rogue” element of the army. Any inference of knowledge, complicity, or accountability at higher echelons will be rejected. A further apology will be offered, compensation paid, and perhaps a memorial constructed. As American cover-up and damage-control specialists would say, “let us bottom this up and get it behind us”. [1]   4. The MoD plots to deny Saville access to witnesses. The Ministry of Defence plotted to thwart Saville from the start. Author Anthony Verrier submitted a statement to Saville warning him that:  “I know several members of the Parachute Regiment. One particular member of the Battalion in question who was present in Derry on Bloody Sunday was a mature student on one of my courses. I discussed Bloody Sunday with him. My understanding from him was that the soldiers had been instructed not to assist the Inquiry. This student told me that he had received a letter from the MoD which said he would be provided with legal advice should he wish to make a statement to the Inquiry but he was advised not to. He did not want to be involved in the Inquiry and did not want to give evidence. I am not sure if he has made a statement to the Inquiry“. [2] 5. Murder as material for comedy. Soldier Cleary, also known as “Soldier F” shot Patrick Doherty in the buttock while he was on the ground crawling away from him. As he lay crying out in pain, Barney McGuigan stepped forward with a white handkerchief looking to help Doherty. Cleary dropped to one knee, aimed his rifle and shot McGuigan in the head. All of the victims of Bloody Sunday were shot in cold blood. None of them posed any sort of a threat to the elite soldiers of Support Company of 1 Para who slaughtered them. Behind closed door, the civil servants at the MoD had little more than disdain for the victims. They gave the game away when, in 1999, Saville asked them about the whereabouts of the rifles which had been discharged on Bloody Sunday, i.e. the murder weapons which had extinguished the lives of 14 people. This sparked an internal email stating: “The Bloody Sunday Inquiry are after records (if any) of what happened to the Bloody Sunday weapons .. On Tuesday the Battle of Hastings Inquiry will want to find the longbow which put Harold’s eye out!”. [3] An email of such depravity could hardly have been circulated as a joke if the employees at the MoD had an ounce of respect or sympathy for the 14 victims, the many wounded, their distraught relatives and the people of Derry. 6. The MoD secures the anonymity of the Bloody Sunday trigger men Saville made his introductory statement at Derry Guildhall on 3 April 1999. Oral hearings began on 27 March 2000, with an opening speech by Christopher Clarke QC, counsel to the Inquiry. The first witness took the stand on 28 November 2000. The tribunal ruled in December 1998 that the soldiers of 1 Para would be named, save in exceptional cases. The Ministry of Defence appealed this ruling to the Court of Appeal which

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    The Libyan weapons trail: How Gaddafi armed the IRA.

    By Deirdre Younge Kingsberry case The High Court in Belfast granted permission in early July for the family of a former member of the UDA, William Kingsberry – shot dead in 1991, to sue Libya for supplying the assault rifle used by the IRA unit that killed him.  New approach The Kingsberry case, which is civil not criminal, is a new approach to gaining compensation for those killed or injured by Libyan-supplied matériel – and will be the first of many. The PSNI initially refused to confirm that Libyan-supplied Semtex was used in explosions after 1986; but a case brought by Belfast solicitors  KRWLaw in Belfast on behalf of a number of victims has established the link to the AKM rifle used in the 1991  Kingsberry case. The  Kingsberry case creates a precedent for many other victims.  Many were killed or injured in bombs made with the powerful Czechoslovakian-manufactured but Libyan-supplied semtex explosive which was used in massive bomb and mortar attacks. The massive increase in lethal bombings  fuelled with  semtex created hundreds of victims killed  or maimed after 1986.  The first so-called ‘spectacular’ was the explosion at the Remembrance Day service in Enniskillen in November 1987 which left eleven dead and others with horrific injuries, causing shock and revulsion. According to Irish Government documents Gerry Adams believed it was an IRA own goal. It also came at a time when Adams was building up Sinn Féin, the  political wing of the movement,  and there were tentative moves towards talks. RUC woman Colleen McMurray was murdered in 1991 when a mortar boosted by semtex was fired at the police car in which she was travelling in Newry. The 1996 Docklands bombings in London were ignited by semtex.  It was also used by so called ‘Dissidents’ to make the Banbridge bomb and the devastating Omagh bomb in 1998. Victims of all these atrocities are pushing for recognition and compensation. British Government reluctance So far, the British Government has refused to directly compensate victims of IRA Libyan-supplied weapons and semtex explosives out of the former overthrown leader General Muammaur Gaddafi’s funds, long frozen in British banks.  It also refuses to publish a report it commissioned on the issue of compensation, from ex-journalist and member of the Charity Commission, William Shawcross. Action in Northern Ireland  Actions in Northern Ireland are aimed at the British-Government-controlled funds in the UK.  In 2011 Solicitor Jason McCue, who represents victims of the  post-ceasefire Docklands bombings of 1996 and who acted for the Omagh Bomb relatives in their compensation case, obtained a letter from the Transitional  Libyan Government. It’s not clear what weight the letter carries.  The issue of compensating victims of the conflict in Northern Ireland has been mired in an argument about definitions. In the case of Libya it’s also entangled with the long and murky history of the various intelligence services’ involvement in Libya and the fractured politics post-Gaddafi.  Libya  Whether the post-Gaddafi state, weak and divided, should be expected to pay reparations may be moot but that is by no means the case with the interest now accruing to the British Government from Gaddafi funds in UK banks which could, in practice, be used to compensate victims. Sovereign Wealth Fund The new Libyan Prime Minister, Abdelhamid Dabaiba, has reportedly reached a deal with the Chairman of the country’s Sovereign Wealth Fund – the Libyan Investment Authority (LIA) – Ali Mahmoud Hassan, whereby Dabaiba will receive €1 billion  via the Central Bank of Libya for his cash-strapped Government. The deal shows the central importance in general terms of the Libyan fund and that the key is its control by Hassan, a former Gaddafi ally. Bahraini bank According to the French-based Africa Intelligence  the LIA  is sourcing the funds from CBL’s Bahraini subsidiary, ABC Bank. Most of the LIA’s assets abroad, amounting to billions of dollars, have been frozen since sanctions were imposed on Gaddafi.  Gaddafi investments in UK and Ireland Gaddafi invested in everything from Pearson Inc to RBS to office blocks to villages he liked when he went on sovereign visits. It has been alleged there is €1.5billion in Irish banks. There is around £11 billion in frozen Gaddafi-era funds in banks in the UK from which the British Government receives substantial interest payments.  It is from these assets in British Banks that lawyers will try to source the money for a compensation  fund.  The Libyan Government itself has been without a budget since  March. Caught up in the internal politics of Libya and competing loyalties of politicians, some loyal to General Haftar the former Gaddafi-era exile and ‘warlord’ are making their support conditional on appointment of Haftar allies from the east of the country, to strategic positions.  The Sovereign Fund is at the centre of allegations of the embezzlement of billions of dollars during the Gaddafi era. The Prime Minister himself has taken control of the Libyan Asset Recovery and Management Office  [LARMO] in an effort to keep control of investigations into corruption in various state organisations. [Africa Intelligence,  02/07/2021]  Hassan was in control of some of the organisations in question during the Gaddafi era and he is also the focus of scrutiny by the international community including the US State Department, for the lack of transparency in management of the Libyan Wealth Fund. It’s in this tangled atmosphere of competing interests and loyalties that the issue of compensation plays out. After Gaddafi The disastrous lack of preparation for the aftermath of the fall of the Gaddafi regime, by the UK and France in particular, left Libya divided in four between a powerless internationally recognised Government of National Accord; General Haftar – a returned exile from the US, who has shifting and tenuous  control of the valuable oil fields; the so called Tobruk administration; and various militias both Islamic and other. Al Qaeda has a presence in the desert regions.  Despite promises made by the Government of National Accord, the administration in Tripoli, it is questionable if the present Government  could implement

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    It’s just extraordinary that the Irish ambassador to Israel has endorsed the “Jewish character” of Israel

    Nor is Israel based on the rule of law By Sami Abou Shehadeh In an opinion piece published on the 24 June in the Jerusalem Post , a right-wing Israeli newspaper, the Irish ambassador to Israel, Kyle O’Sullivan, claimed that Israel is a country based “on the rule of law, on democracy, and on respect for human rights and human dignity” https://www.jpost.com/opinion/ireland-pushes-israel-to-resolve-the-palestinian-conflict-opinion-671859. If that were the case Palestinian rights would have been fulfilled a long time ago. But clearly it is not the case and the piece not only disregards the Palestinian people but sends a strong message of support to those who are conducting Israel’s illegal policies and crimes of colonial settlement-building, occupation, annexation and Apartheid.  While we have heard similar arguments from groups such as Britain’s Conservative Friends of Israel, we were particularly astonished to see this coming from the representative of the Irish government and people. The long history of solidarity between the Irish and Palestinian peoples is based in a common struggle against colonialism and the denial of the rights of the indigenous population. The least we would have expected from an Irish ambassador is to honour this history and fully reject the Israeli occupation, and the system of institutionalised discrimination that Palestinian citizens of Israel, and in the occupied Palestinian territories, live under, rather than endorsing its core principles and paraphrasing its propaganda lines.  To explain my point it is not even necessary to talk about what is happening in the occupied Palestinian territory but to simply look at the reality of life for 1.8 million Palestinian citizens of Israel, survivors of the Nakba – who are 20% of Israel’s population.  As Palestinian citizens of Israel, we invite the Irish government to look at our situation and take steps that will support Israel becoming a state with equal rights for all its citizens, in addition to ending the occupation that began in 1967. Victims of an institutionalised system of discrimination that promotes Jewish supremacy, there are at least 65 laws that only discriminate against Palestinian citizens of Israel and/or Palestinians in the occupied territory.  Just take as an example what we have been going through in recent weeks in a political battle to stop the extension of a discriminatory law that bans Palestinian family reunifications. Would Ireland praise any country’s commitment to “human rights” if it had a law aimed at preventing Jewish families from being together? Certainly, and rightfully, no.  When an Irish representative endorses the “Jewish character” of Israel, as he did, it is intrinsically backing the main reason such racist laws exist. The legal definition of Israel as a “Jewish State”, the Jewish nation-state law, negates Palestinian rights, and establishes a “constitutional” framework to perpetuate Jewish supremacy in all the territory under Israel’s control.   This is precisely what Human Rights Watch, B’tselem, Palestinian human rights organisations and the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, as well as countless prominent scholars have concluded, denouncing the crime of Apartheid against the Palestinian people on both sides of the Green Line. Ireland’s history shows that colonialism and racism should never be tolerated. Ireland is a country that can represent such noble values in the European Union and make sure that Israel is not rewarded as long as the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are constantly violated.   Just look at the attacks we have suffered in recent months, with Israel suppressing Palestinian citizens’ political and civil freedoms:  carrying out brutal nationwide arrests with some reports of torture. It was against this background that we called upon the international community for protection. Regretfully we didn’t hear many responses from European countries. Shall we assume that Ireland’s silence was based on the position, stated in the article, that Israel is a “democracy” you “share values” with? Ireland’s history shows that colonialism and racism should never be tolerated. Ireland is a country that can represent such noble values in the European Union and make sure that Israel is not rewarded as long as the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people are constantly violated. In our case, as Palestinian citizens of Israel, we invite the Irish government to look at our situation and take steps that will support Israel becoming a state with equal rights for all its citizens, in addition to ending the occupation that began in 1967. This is the basic formula for a just and lasting peace.  We would never have expected an Irish representative to attempt to normalise the reality of Jewish supremacy against the rights of our indigenous people in our homeland. Our party, Tajamu/Balad, part of the Joint List, will continue struggling for justice and equality for all Israeli citizens regardless of their religious, national or ethnic origin. And it is as part of this just struggle that we will continue looking to the Irish people for solidarity and support. Sami Abou Shehadeh is a Palestinian historian living in Jaffa, a member of the Israeli Parliament for the Joint List, and leader of Tajamu/Balad party.

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    A murky affair: the Garda made no progress into the IRA murder of Tom Oliver until an intervention by Drew Harris, then with the PSNI, now Garda Commissioner.

      By Deirdre Younge. Tom Oliver, a farmer from Riverstown, on the Cooley peninsula, was kidnapped, interrogated and murdered by the IRA in July 1991. They alleged he was a Garda informant. The murder by the IRA’s punishment squad didn’t only cause devastation for his family but split the tight-knit community in which he lived. IRA men living in the area were ostracised and barred from local pubs and GAA clubs  while gardaí were told to stay away from the area. The Garda were attacked for their failure to protect Mr Oliver who had given information to them about IRA weapons found on his land. Local IRA men were believed to have been strongly opposed to the murder of the popular family man but were reportedly overruled by Belfast leaders.   Oliver was abducted by a group which included FRU/ MI5 agent Kevin Fulton aka Peter Keeley and there are allegations that Freddie Scappaticci was among those who carried out the interrogations though he has denied it. Keeley gave a vivid description of the night Oliver was snatched and named some of those allegedly  involved, at the Smithwick Tribunal in December 2011.   Drew Harris the present Garda Commissioner, then PSNI Head of Legacy, arrived at the Smithwick Tribunal in October 2012 with “new and of the moment” intelligence that a garda who had not been identified to the Smithwick Tribunal after years of private and public investigations was the ‘colluder’ who had betrayed Oliver to the IRA. Operation Kenova took up Oliver’s case and has discovered new DNA evidence. Oliver’s battered body was found a day later in Belleeks, Co Armagh. The Oliver case has been investigated and reinvestigated by the Garda in Dundalk. The latest reinvestigation just completed has found multiple flaws in the handling of the case.   Operation Kenova under Jon Boutcher took the Oliver case as part of its remit. It has now apparently found new evidence after DNA analysis was done on clothing, which appears to advance the case.  The Tom Oliver case became a central issue in the Smithwick Tribunal in Dublin which reported in 2013. FRU (British military intelligence), Special Branch and MI5 agent and informer Kevin Fulton whose real name is Peter Keeley described what he called the “abduction” of Tom Oliver, in his evidence. He gave a vivid description of the night of the abduction and of how Oliver was carried in the boot of a car to his interrogators. The cross-examining barrister, Jim O’Callaghan, acting for Garda Owen Corrigan, said of the evidence   – “you are describing the last moments of a man’s life”.  Keeley was the driver for the IRA’s  ‘Nutting Squad’ on the night Tom Oliver was kidnapped and took him to his final destination. Keeley as Fulton also implicated Fred Scappaticci in Tom Oliver’s interrogation at Smithwick. Scappaticci got legal representation to deny both that he was  involved in Oliver’s murder and that he was Agent Stakeknife! See also: Investigation: Killusion The present Garda Commissioner Drew Harris, as Head of Legacy in the PSNI, had a crucial role at Smithwick as the gatekeeper for intelligence and information from the various UK Security Services. He made a last- minute dramatic intervention  to present intelligence  emanating from M15, of the involvement of a garda who had not been identified to the Tribunal, in setting up Oliver for murder. No name has so far emerged. Drew Harris also named the senior IRA figure he claimed had ordered that Tom Oliver be shot.  See also: How Drew Harris diverted the Smithwick Tribunal. Operation Kenova and Chief Superintendent Jon Boutcher are interviewing former Gardai and others who may have evidence or intelligence about Tom Oliver’s abduction and murder. Mr Oliver was taken from near his home in Castlecarra Cooley late on the evening of the 18th July while tending cattle. His interrogation, carried out by the Internal Security Squad, was finally ‘adjudicated’ on by a senior member of the Army Council who arrived at a ‘safe house’ in Cooley after breaking off a holiday. He is believed to have overruled the local IRA officer commanding and decided that Tom  Oliver must be shot. He was then transported into South Armagh where his battered body was found the next day.  Will Operation Kenova and Jon Boutcher  finally achieve justice for Tom Oliver and his family?   OTHER STORIES ABOUT GARDA-RUC-PSNI AFFAIRS ON THIS WEBSITE BY DEIRDRE YOUNGE: How Drew Harris diverted the Smithwick Tribunal. Nailing Harry Breen Investigation: Killusion Drew Harris Drawn in. SMITHWICK’s SECRET WITNESS MI5 FLIES A FALSE FLAG. New DUP leader Jeffrey Donaldson alleged that a Garda mole was involved in the IRA murder of two RUC officers.    

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    Soldier F and Brigadier Kitson’s elite ‘EFGH’ death squad: a murderous dirty-tricks pattern is emerging which links Bloody Sunday with the actions of paratroopers in Belfast in August 1971. A second soldier involved in both events was ‘mentioned in despatches’ at the behest of Kitson for his alleged bravery in the face of the enemy.

      By David Burke. 1. “No other perpetrator involved would be given anonymity, for some reason Soldier F is a protected species”. In the last week, Colum Eastwood MP, the Leader of the SDLP, named ‘Soldier F’, in the House of Commons, under privilege. ‘Soldier F’ had faced murder charges for his actions on Bloody Sunday which had been dropped. The world now knows that former Lance Corporal Cleary is ‘Soldier F’. He is a small man who joined the Parachute Regiment in 1966. Eastwood said that, “For 50 years he has been granted anonymity and now the government want to grant him an amnesty. No one involved in murder during the Troubles should be granted an amnesty.” After his speech, Eastwood told BBC NI that: “Over the past couple of weeks his name has been plastered on Free Derry Corner, it has gone viral on social media. The people of Derry know his name. There is no reason for him to be granted anonymity. No other perpetrator involved would be given anonymity, for some reason Soldier F is a protected species.” The Speaker of the Commons has confirmed that Eastwood did not abuse parliamentary privilege in naming Cleary. 2. David Cleary’s Killing Spree. On Bloody Sunday in January 1972 Cleary was conveyed into the Bogside at speed in a Saracen vehicle or “pig”. He and his colleagues leapt out of it and took up positions behind a low wall adjacent to a ramp on Kells Walk from where they shot Michael Kelly. Kelly was unarmed and standing at a nearby rubble barricade, a threat to no one. Cleary and three of his colleagues, Corporal E, Private G, Private H, [the EFGH unit] moved into Glenfada Park North, where their killing spree continued. The Saville Inquiry found that Cleary or Private H shot William McKinney dead; also that this unit was responsible for the shot that wounded Joe Mahon,  and that either Cleary or Private G fired the shot that wounded Joe Friel. Saville opined that the EFGH unit also murdered William Wray, injured Joe McMahon, Joe Friel, Michael Quinn and Patrick O’Donnell, and possibly injured Daniel Gillespie. There was no excuse for their behaviour. According to Saville: “In our view none of the soldiers fired in the belief that he might have identified a person in possession of or using or about to use bombs or firearms.” Saville also found that: “The last gunfire casualties were Bernard McGuigan, Patrick Doherty, Patrick Campbell and Daniel McGowan, all shot in the area to the south of Block 2 of the Rossville Flats within a very short time of each other. We are sure that Lance Corporal F [i.e. Cleary] fired at and shot Bernard McGuigan and Patrick Doherty, and it is highly probable that he was also responsible for shooting the other two casualties. This soldier fired across Rossville Street from the Rossville Street entrance way into Glenfada North”. Cleary was a cruel, cynical and clinical killer. He shot Patrick Doherty in the buttock while he was on the ground crawling away from him. As Doherty lay crying out in pain, his life draining away from him, Barney McGuigan, an exceptionally brave and humane man, stepped forward with a white handkerchief looking to help Doherty. Cleary dropped to one knee, aimed his rifle and shot McGuigan in the head. Cleary was a cruel, cynical and clinical killer. He shot Patrick Doherty in the buttock while he was on the ground crawling away from him. As Doherty lay crying out in pain, his life draining away from him, Barney McGuigan, an exceptionally brave and humane man, stepped forward with a white handkerchief looking to help Doherty. Cleary dropped to one knee, aimed his rifle and shot McGuigan in the head. 3. A Pat on the Back: mentioned in despatches. Cleary was “mentioned in dispatches” for confronting the enemies of the Queen in the London Gazette in February 1972. This was a few weeks after Bloody Sunday. The citation was for his alleged courage in Belfast the previous August 1971. The odds are astronomically high that Cleary was one of those involved in the shooting of unarmed and innocent civilians in what became known as the Ballymurphy massacre. It is now beginning to look like Cleary and a group of paratroopers attached to the Support Company of the 1st Battalion of the Parachute Regiment (1 Para) were identified, recruited and groomed to carry out the extermination of civilians in any circumstance, including on occasions when they posed no threat to the British Army. The man in charge of Cleary and his comrades was Colonel Derek Wilford. He is on record as having said that all Catholics support the IRA. Thus, to kill a Catholic was tantamount to killing a supporter or member of the IRA. That attitude was undoubtedly shared by Cleary and others in 1 Para. The contempt and disdain they had for Catholics became grotesquely manifest in the Bogside on Bloody Sunday. Wilford reported to Brigadier (later General) Frank Kitson. Of the pair, Kitson is the far more significant. First, he was the superior officer. Second, Wilford did not take over command of 1 Para until July 1971 by which time the soldiers of 1 Para had been engaged in countless violent confrontations with civilians in Belfast. (The murderous violence of 1 Para did, however, gather momentum after Wilford’s appointment.) Third, Kitson had disclosed the technique of terrorising a community which harboured insurgents in his infamous book ‘Low Intensity Operations’. An analysis which makes sense of what took place in Ballymurphy from a British Army counterinsurgency perspective – and which is based on the content of ‘Low Intensity Operations’ –  can be found at: Brigadier Kitson’s motive for murdering unarmed civilians in Ballymurphy. From the standpoint of the British Army, Kitson’s book should never have been published. However, the author was entitled to 50% of the royalties of the sale thereof and this may account for the indiscretion of publishing

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