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    The Gallo way

    I keep meaning to make a list of a certain category of politician: cataloguing those who wasted my time over the past 20 years, leading me on about seeking ways to extend fairness and justice to fathers, with dozens of whom I’ve sat over copious coffees while they took elaborate notes of the nature of the problem before going away and either doing precisely nothing or making things worse than before. Most of them I never heard from again, and now they cross the street when they see me coming, which is merely half-appropriate because, if they wanted to depict the situation accurately, they would need to cross the street not once but twice, a double-cross, except then they would have to encounter me and stare at their shoes in what you would be wrong in thinking shame. Last month, for the first time, I met a politician with whom I knew I was not wasting my time. Unfortunately, through unsurprisingly, he was not an Irish politician, but a British one, a Scot in fact, by the name of George Galloway. Since I invariably get irritated when people who come up to me in public begin by assuring me that they don’t agree with me “about everything”, I don’t intend to list the things I disagree with George Galloway about. And yet I have long had a snakin’ regard for his fiery eloquence, his polarising passion, his capacity to rile the kind of scoundrel who needs riling till the pips squeak, which often occurs when the subject of George Galloway comes up. George Galloway and I shared a Fathers4Justice platform in London on April 27th, along with the former EastEnders actor Mo George, Vincent McGovern of Families Need Fathers, Danny O’Brien of Anti-Knife UK and Matt O’Connor, founder and leader of F4J. The theme of the evening was ‘London: the Fatherless Capital’, with special emphasis on criminality and young fatherless men. Galloway seemed by then to have accepted that he was no longer a runner in the London Mayoral stakes, which has narrowed into a two-horse race (with George apparently a very distant third). The reason I felt confident George Galloway was not another time-waster was that I had heard that he had himself become a casualty of family-court anti-father tyranny. Now on his fourth marriage, he has been in dispute with a former spouse concerning what is termed his ‘contact’ with children born to that marriage. He made it clear at the outset, and reinforced the point more than once, that in anything he said about courts or the anti-father culture, he was not referring to his own situation. I spoke before him, and made some general points about the context of the savagery encountered by fathers who seek protected relationships with their children in non-marital or post-marital situations. I touched briefly on my own experience of the delightful family law jurisdiction of England and Wales, and the quaintness of this residual capacity for tyranny in what otherwise appears nowadays a relatively civilised country. For a long time, I said, I had naively thought of the problem as a ‘cultural oversight’ – an example of an unattended-to injustice which, once highlighted, would quickly be rectified. After nearly 20 years of banging my head on various solid walls, I came to realise that what was happening was not in the least a cultural oversight, but part of a planned assault on the very citadel of parenthood.   Galloway is an engaging speaker – good pacing, well-timed pauses, resounding cadences, arcs of rhetoric washing over his audience, easy on the ear even when you don’t much like what he is saying. I liked him far more than I expected. He’s real, not a realpolitik robot. He picked up and emphasised a point I had made about the issue not being ‘fathers’ rights’ but rather the mutual rights of fathers and children. “And if fathers are not getting justice”, he said, “that means ipso facto, to use a Latin and legal term, that the children are not getting justice. As John says, my child and my child’s rights are the same thing”. He went on: “I’m told that I don’t have any rights: it’s the child that has the rights. Well, I reject that. I have a right as the father of a child. The child is mine. It’s my blood. It’s my DNA. What do you mean, I don’t have any rights? That you, a total stranger, will decide on behalf of my children what will happen in their lives? What is a father? Just a cash machine?”. The word “contact”, he spits out like a broken tooth. “I don’t want ‘contact’ with my child, like I was a visiting uncle, or a social worker. What do you mean contact? That child is mine! Contact? I don’t want to be told, ‘You are precisely seven minutes late in bringing your own child back!’ I don’t want to be told, ‘You can pick your children up at school, but only until I move, maybe hundreds of miles away, and then you’ll never see them at school’. I don’t want to be told, ‘You can have overnight contact this week but I don’t really like your new wife, so I’ll start to take a different approach and you can do nothing about it’. And you know that if your wife leaves you and moves in with a complete stranger, that stranger has far more rights with regard to yourchildren than you, their father. How can that be justice? The law is an ass. And the fact that it’s secret is surely an affront to any idea of justice. Secret justice is not justice at all. The Magna Carta, 900 years ago, surely established that, because when it’s secret no one can criticise the decisions that it makes, because no one knows of them or can know of them”. The solution, he says, is: “The bleeding obvious: There’s actually an easy way to

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    Universities’ Seanad Elections

    Village is a campaigning magazine. Two of its key agendas are equality and sustainability. Two thoughtful and evidence-based champions of these issues are respectively Oisín Coghlan of Friends of the Earth and Rory Hearne of Tasc, standing for the Trinity and NUI panels. We decided to give them some space. In the same spirit NUI voters might want to avoid voting for Michael McDowell (strangely endorsed recently by LGBTI campaigner, Katherine Zappone TD, who – if she had any interest in Equality would know better). McDowell, a former AG and Minister for Justice who campaigned against the abolition of the Seanad in the referendum on the issue in 2013 told the Irish Times his campaign will focus on the need to reform the Seanad and open up the election to the entire voting population. He was the legal advisor to the working group chaired by former senator Maurice Manning, which recommended sweeping changes in how the Seanad is elected. To Village, however he will always be remembered as an icon for the privileged attacking the right of the not so lucky to equality. In 2004 he told the Economist Survey of Ireland that he “sees inequality as an inevitable part of the society of incentives that Ireland has, thankfully, become”. That seems to put him in the disgraceful – and almost unique – position of endorsing inequality. He also attempted to remove Niall Crowley as activist CEO of the Equality Authority, when he was Minister for Justice. As regards anti-corruption McDowell was responsible for subverting the Centre for Public Inquiry so that it collapsed in 2005 as a force for aggressive investigation of corruption. Just as bad is the self-absorbed way he collapsed the PDs, itself the most self-absorbed economically right-wing force in Irish politics, when he, as leader, lost his Dáil seat. In short he was a towering force for now discredited deregulation and he should take the consequences. McDowell has ugly baggage, He should not be elected on a a platform that attempts to re-invent him as primarily a force for Seanad reform. Just one of the three outgoing NUI senators, Ronan Mullen, is seeking reelection. The other two, Feargal Quinn and John Crown, are not running again. Current Trinity Senators, Prof Ivana Bacik, David Norris and Prof Sean Barrett are all standing again in this election. Norris, a long-term campaigner on progressive issues, is the longest-serving senator on the panel, while Bacik is Reid Professor of Criminal Law in the Law School, and a former TCDSU President. She is a solid and excellent candidate with an unimpeachable record on both equality and the environment; and she is a generous contributor to Village. The poll for the rotten Seanad boroughs of Trinity and the NUI closes on 21 April. Oisín Coghlan (Trinity)   I’m running to push climate action and social justice up the political agenda. Climate change is the biggest challenge humanity faces. But our political leaders downplay the need for action. And they are failing to grasp the opportunities for Ireland in the transition to a fossil-free future. I’m not naïve enough to think electing one Senator who prioritises climate change will be enough to tip the balance in favour of Ireland taking serious climate action. I’ve spent 20 years working for organisations campaigning for progressive change of one sort or another on issues from Israeli human rights abuses in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, to Irish aid and trade policy, to climate change. And it’s clear from cases where Ireland has adopted a progressive stance, whether on Apartheid, East Timor or overseas aid that among the essential factors for success, apart from a compelling cause, have been inspiring and persistent campaigning and the mobilisation of a big enough civil society coalition to outweigh whatever vested interests or bureaucratic inertia have their fingers on the other side of the scales. But parliamentarians have a role too, amplifying civil society voices, questioning ministers and officials, proposing legislation and policies. And Trinity Senators in particular have a long tradition of using the role as a campaigning platform. Moreover, the Seanad is not supposed to be a creature of political parties, they have simply used the votes of local councillors to hijack the ‘vocational’ panels. The Seanad it is supposed to represent the different strands of Irish society. I think at least one of our 60 Senators should represent Ireland’s proud tradition of global solidarity and the new imperative of climate action. If elected I will be an energetic, independent voice for a healthy environment, a stronger democracy and a more equal society. Oisín Coghlan is Director of Friends of the Earth, Ireland, but is standing as an independent. www.oisincoghlan.com. Rory Hearne (NUI)   There are 1600 children living in emergency accommodation in Dublin alone and 8000 children attended the Capuchin day centre to get a hot meal last year. Tens of thousands of families face the threat of eviction. At the same time the wealthiest in this country increased their wealth by €34bn since 2010. We have a grossly unfair society where the wealthiest 20% of households have 70% of all the wealth in the country. This is not the Republic that was aspired to in 1916 and it is certainly not a Republic that guarantees, as the Proclamation outlines, “equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens” and “cherishing all of the children of the nation equally”. Successive governments since the foundation of the state have failed to provide for the basic social and human rights of all citizens – particularly our most vulnerable and disadvantaged communities. Taoiseach after Taoiseach, political party after political party, prioritised the needs of their big business cronies and funders, developers, multinational capital, the priviledged and wealthy in Irish society, and through the austerity years, they prioritised the banks, European finance and vulture funds. We need a new approach to politics that prioritises social and economic equality, social justice and true democratic participation. It wasn’t an easy decision to stand. The

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    Braced for Brexit

    Back in the 1960s I once stood on the plinth of Nelson’s column in Trafalgar Square, London, between Landseer’s lions, at a Connolly Association rally against anti-Catholic discrimination by the Northern Ireland Stormont regime. Lots of people were waving tricolours. Forty years later I spoke again in the same spot, at an anti-EU rally organised by the Democracy Movement, one of Britain’s EU-critical bodies, before a sea of little Union Jacks. I smiled to myself. Here were the English discovering the drawbacks of being ruled by foreigners, by people they did not elect, and how EU laws had come to have primacy over those of their own Parliament. They were reacting against losing their democracy and national independence. British Euroscepticism is largely English nationalism. The political psychology of the governing élites in England and Ireland is very different, not least in their attitudes to the EU. The lack of self-confidence of the Irish élite is shown by their continual anxiety to be seen as ‘good Europeans”’. Hence for example Enda Kenny’s boast that our recent modest economic improvement has “restored our reputation in Europe”. I was at the EU summit in Gothenburg, Sweden, a few days after Irish voters rejected the EU’s Treaty of Nice in 2001. The then Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, was virtually beating his breast there as he explained apologetically to the international media how Irish voters were mistaken, but they would have a chance to change their minds in a second referendum – which of course duly happened. By contrast England’s governing élite has the psychology of a ruling power. For centuries they backed the second strongest powers of Europe against the strongest, thereby preventing any one power dominating the continent. When the EU came along after World War II they joined it in the hope of either prising France and Germany apart or else of being co-opted by the Franco-Germans as an equal partner to run ‘Europe’ as a triumvirate. Both hopes have proved illusory. Hence English disillusion with the EU. They never shared the Euro-federalist visions of the continentals – something that former Commission President Jacques Delors expressed when he said in 1993: “We’re not here to make a single market – that doesn’t interest me – but to make a political union”. Prime Minister Cameron wants to stick with the EU. But most of his party and large swathes of British public opinion see the EU as a low-growth economic area mired in recession, with a dysfunctional currency and high unemployment. They want to regain their freedom of action, especially over trade, by leaving. They want to develop trade and investment links with the five continents and the far-flung English-speaking world. The obvious power imbalance between the two sides would make it extraordinary if the “Leave” people were to prevail over the “Remain-Ins” in the Brexit referendum. On the one side are the British Government, the American Government, the German and 25 other EU Governments, Wall Street, the CBI, the TUC, the British Labour Party, the Brussels Commission, the European Movement, most EU-based High Finance and Transnational Corporations, plus in Ireland all the parties in the Oireachtas. On the other side is a diverse and sometimes quarrelsome range of groups and individuals on the Left, Right and Centre of British affairs, united only by their desire to get back their right to make their own laws, control their own borders and that their Government should decide independently its relations with other countries. It would be unrealistic though to think that a “Remain-in” vote in June will decisively settle the matter. It is likely merely to delay the inevitable divorce, for the interests of the continentals and the island Britons are just too fundamentally opposed. And what of the Celtic fringe? Contrary to the received wisdom there could well be a substantial “Leave” vote in those areas too. If the UK as a whole votes to leave, will Scotland want to break away from the rest of the UK in order to remain in the EU, abolish sterling and adopt the euro – that being a requirement for all newly acceding States to the EU? It is very doubtful. The Irish media have not yet picked up on one big downside for Irish people of the deal David Cameron concluded in Brussels before he launched his referendum. This is the implication of the EU agreement that if the UK votes to remain, new immigrants to the UK are liable to have lower social benefits for some years than those already there. It will be impossible under EU law to differentiate between Irish immigrants on the one hand and non-Irish ones on the other. This means that new Irish immigrants to Britain or the North must face cuts in social bene ts too if the “Remain” side wins. This proposal will not affect Irish people already settled in the UK, but solidarity with their fellow countrymen and women should still cause lots of them to vote Leave. If a booming British economy, freed of EU regulation, becomes the Singapore of Europe outside the EU, which is perfectly possible, it can only benefit Ireland economically. Lurid scenarios are being painted of the consequences of Britain leaving the EU while Ireland remains in it. If Brexit happens some uncertainty is inevitable for a year or two, but it will not be the end of the world. Free trade will continue between Ireland and the UK under all realistic “Leave” scenarios, so there will be no customs posts on the North-South border within Ireland, no passport controls or anything like that. Such claims are simply scaremongering, part of “Project Fear”. What of Northern Ireland in the event of Brexit? Over the past decade the UK has paid over £150 billion to the EU budget – far more than it has got back. It sends £350 million to Brussels every week. This is some ten times the Northern Ireland schools budget. EU subsidies to the North in the form of

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