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    Please answer the questions, Tánaiste.

    These four questions need now to be asked in the Dáil, as Leo Varadkar has not replied to Village‘s attempt to get answers. By Michael Smith. Since we live in a democracy lying to the Dáil is a resigning offence.  Village has made the case that the Tánaiste Leo Varadkar has run to cover over his leak of the confidential IMO-negotiated contract to his mate. Meanwhile most though not all of the media have moved on to the next issue. Here are the questions I asked of the Tánaiste on Monday 16 November.  I annotate them below:  “Dear Tánaiste,Thank-you for the email I received on your behalf…on 13 November.It remains unclear which precisely of the alleged encounters referred to in https://villagemagazine.ie/at-least-10-times-not-2-or-3/  you have denied. Can you provide clarification?Are you still claiming that you were in Barcelona at a time that proves you could not have had any particular one of the ten alleged encounters with Dr Ó Tuathail; and if so can you please say when in 2019 you were in Barcelona?Can you please state whether Matt Barrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail on your behalf or otherwise, during the nine days you referred to in the Dáil, about the leak affair and/or its fallout; and whether during that period Mr Barrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail about the accuracy of the references to the encounters that were referred to in Village‘s statement, or about Dr Ó Tuathail denying them. Can you please say if you forwarded the brochure and any other correspondence you received by WhatsApp or otherwise from Dr Ó Tuathail promoting Community Hospital Ireland, as opposed to Community Health Ireland, on a private account, to an official government account. I would be grateful for a reply tomorrow 17 November to meet a deadline”. No reply was received. Here are explanations of the questions: 1) It remains unclear which precisely of the alleged encounters referred to in https://villagemagazine.ie/at-least-10-times-not-2-or-3/  you have denied. Can you provide clarification? [AS PART OF HIS EFFORT TO DENY LAWBREAKING THE TÁNAISTE CLAIMED THE PURPOSE OF LEAKING THE DOCUMENT COULD NOT HAVE BEEN TO ADVANCE THE INTERESTS OF HIS FRIEND MATT Ó TUATHAIL, PRESIDENT OF THE NAGP, AS HE WAS NOT A CLOSE FRIEND BUT SOMEONE HE WOULD MEET “TWO OR THREE TIMES A YEAR”.  VARADKAR CONJURED AN IMAGE OF  HIMSELF AS TAOISEACH SOWING HARMONY BETWEEN THE NAGP (AN ORGANISATION SOME OF WHOSE LEADERS MAY SHORTLY BE  PROSECUTED FOR THEFT AND CORRUPTION) AND THE IMO. VILLAGE TORPEDOED THIS DEFENCE WITH EVIDENCED ALLEGATIONS OF TEN MEETINGS IN 2019. IT SAID THAT IT DID NOT NEED TO PROVE ALL OF THESE FOR IT TO BE EVIDENT THAT THE NUMBER OF MEETINGS WAS QUALITATIVELY DIFFERENT – OF A DIFFERENT ORDER – FROM TWO OR THREE, ESPECIALLY WHEN NO NORMAL PERSON RECORDS ANYTHING MORE THAN A FRACTION OF THEIR SOCIAL ENGAGEMENTS WITH A FRIEND, ON WHATSAPP!  VARADKAR THEN SEEMS TO HAVE DISPROVED ONE MEETING, ON 30 JUNE 2019 – WHEN HE WAS IN BRUSSELS THE DAY AFTER HE, PASCHAL DONOHOE, SIMON HARRIS, KATE O’CONNELL TD AND OTHERS IN FINE GAEL HAD BEEN PHOTOGRAPHED MEETING Ó’TUATHAIL DURING 2019’S PRIDE FESTIVITIES.  WE ATTACH A NEW PHOTO OF O’TUATHAIL WITH HARRIS AND O’CONNELL THAT DAY.   CHAY BOWES RECEIVED TEXTS FROM Ó TUATHAIL SHOWING HE WAS UP VERY LATE [HE SAID HE FELT “FUCKED”] FOLLOWING PRIDE AND WAS EXPECTING TO MEET DONOHOE AND VARADKAR ON 30 JUNE. LIKE SOME MEETINGS PLANNED THE NIGHT BEFORE, IT CLEARLY DID NOT HAPPEN AS ENVISAGED.  MEANWHILE CHAY BOWES HAS UNEARTHED ANOTHER ALLEGED MEETING BETWEEN Ó TUATHAIL AND VARADKAR (AND HARRIS) – IN THE ROYAL HOSPITAL KILMAINHAM, ON 17/18 AUGUST 2019]. 2) Are you still claiming that you were in Barcelona at a time that proves you could not have had any particular one of the ten alleged encounters with Dr Ó Tuathail; and if so can you please say when in 2019 you were in Barcelona?  [IN HIS CRUCIAL RESPONSE TO THE MOTION OF CONFIDENCE IN HIM ON 10 NOVEMBER VARADKAR CLAIMED THAT MANY OF THE CLAIMS MADE ABOUT HIM “WERE TRUMPED UP OR MADE UP”. HE SAID VILLAGE’S ARTICLE “WAS JUST ONE EXAMPLE OF THIS.“IT ALLEGED TEN ENCOUNTERS, MANY OF WHICH SIMPLY DID NOT HAPPEN AND COULD NOT HAVE HAPPENED AS I WAS IN BRUSSELS ON TWO OCCASIONS, BARCELONA ON ONE, OUT OF DUBLIN ON ANOTHER, OR DEMONSTRABLY DOING GOVERNMENT BUSINESS”.  THERE IS NO VERIFICATION HE WAS IN BARCELONA OR WITH WHOM HE WAS THERE, AND NO INDICATION BEING OUT OF DUBLIN OR ON GOVERNMENT BUSINESS PRECLUDED MEETING Ó TUATHAIL WHO HAS SAID HIS MEETINGS WERE TYPICALLY VERY INFORMAL.  3) Can you please state whether Matt Barrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail on your behalf or otherwise, during the nine days you referred to in the Dáil, about the leak affair and/or its fallout; and whether during that period Mr Barrett spoke to Dr Ó Tuathail about the accuracy of the references to the encounters that were referred to in Village‘s statement, or about Dr Ó Tuathail denying them. [VARADKAR  POINTEDLY TOLD THE DÁIL DURING THE CONFIDENCE MOTION THAT HE HAD NOT SPOKEN TO DR Ó TUATHAIL IN NINE DAYS, AFTER HE UNDERSTANDABLY SPOKE TO HIM ON THREE OCCASIONS AFTER VILLAGE‘S STORY BROKE.  THIS WOULD BE MEANINGLESS IF ANY ASSOCIATE HAD SPOKEN TO Ó TUATHAIL DURING THIS PERIOD. O’TUATHAIL IS A CLOSER FRIEND TO BARRETT THAN TO VARADKAR.  SO SOME OF THE CLOSENESS OF VARADKAR’S FRIENDSHIP COMES VIA THEIR MUTUAL CONNECTION WITH BARRETT.  THIS IS BECAUSE THE TWO WORKED TOGETHER IN ST VINCENT’S HOSPITAL AND WOULD GO FOR WEEKLY PINTS UNTIL THE PANDEMIC. IT IS ALSO THE CASE ACCORDING TO Ó TUATHAIL HIMSELF AND TO THE PROBING SUNDAY INDEPENDENT; AND INDEED IS SUGGESTED BY THE FACT THE ONLY PERSON MATT BARRETT FOLLOWED ON TWITTER WAS Ó TUATHAIL UNTIL VILLAGE’S STORY BROKE WHEN THE FOLLOW WAS TERMINATED – ONLY TO BE REINSTATED WHEN Ó TUATHAIL DISHONESTLY DISAVOWED HIS CORRESPONDENCE WITH BOWES TO CONFIRM VARADKAR’S STORY; AND THAT BARRETT ISSUED A CONTEMPORANEOUS STATEMENT TO CHIME WITH Ó TUATHAIL’S STORY].  4) Can you please say if you forwarded the brochure and any other correspondence you received by WhatsApp or otherwise from Dr Ó Tuathail promoting Community Hospital Ireland, as opposed to Community Health Ireland, on a private account, to an official government account. [ON 5 NOVEMBER THE TÁNAISTE TOLD

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    Where do the press and Fine Gael stand on the intimidation of Village and its whistleblower?

    We live in a democracy and a free press is supposed to be important. So why have the mainstream media been silent when Village, a small, serious, independent magazine and its whistleblower, Chay Bowes, have been threatened and bullied by perhaps the most powerful political party in the State, Fine Gael, and perhaps the most powerful man in the State, the Tánaiste, Leo Varadkar, past and future Taoiseach? A report in the  Business Post last Sunday, 8 November, by its respected Political Editor Michael Brennan, contained the following: “There have been mutterings on the Fine Gael side in government about whether Bowes has thought through what impact all of this might have on his healthcare businesses. But he said he was going to proceed with making a complaint to the Gardaí about Varadkar for leaking of the GP contract”. This seems to be intimidation of Bowes, probably primarily for saying he will lodge a criminal complaint. Intimidation is of course a crime. Section 41 of the Criminal Justice Act 1999 says that a person: “(a) who harms or threatens, menaces or in any other way intimidates or puts in fear another person who is assisting in the investigation by the Garda Síochána of an offence… (b) with the intention thereby of causing the investigation or the course of justice to be obstructed, perverted or interfered with, shall be guilty of an offence”. Who is doing the threatening?  “The Fine Gael side in government”.  That is more than just a group of hand-rubbing backroom boys.   The Fine Gael side.  In government. Outside of a banana republic Fine Gael must be asked to account for itself.  It must state who speaks for “the Fine Gael side in government”, it must ascertain if the intimidation is authorised at the top level and it must, in a democracy, remove anybody associated with these threats, all the way to the top of the organisation and its leader,  Mr Varadkar if necessary. The whole party is implicated because no attempt has been made by anyone in it to correct or investigate the Business Post report, in the three subsequent days. Naturally, Village will be making a complaint. Meanwhile, on two occasions now under the veil of Dáil privilege Mr Varadkar has abused Village magazine.  Twice he has called it a “fringe publication”.  There is no interpretation of the word, whose connotations all but the politically naïve know well, that would fit Village which is a left-wing, sometimes-though-not-always-dull, magazine that covers news, politics, environment, media, culture, and foreign affairs in a serious-minded and evidence-based way. Cursory perusal of the current magazine or of Village’s website would prove this to anyone who bothered. Varadkar also solemnly told the Dáil he would be deterred from  suing the magazine as that would be like suing someone on Twitter.  I am the author of the relevant pieces, and the magazine’s editor.  The magazine has never sheltered behind any of the normal protections for small investigative media: offshore corporate registration, editor a person of straw, etc. Most people who have sued Village magazine have sued the editor as well.  In my 12 years as editor Village has never paid anyone anything for defamation but I do have sufficient means to be a mark for the costs of litigation if we did lose a case. Varadkar’s allegation is inaccurate and an abuse of Dáil privilege.  He should withdraw it from the Dáil record.  More sinister still than the Tánaiste’s cynical mischaracterisation of the magazine, and his idle threats to sue, is that in the important Dáil debate of confidence in him on 10 November, he complained that Village is “unregulated”.  That suggests one of the country’s leaders considers that it should be regulated beyond the long-standing commitment to the Code of Conduct of the Press Ombudsman/Press Council clearly flagged on the inside page of the magazine. Believing, and implying in parliament, that a solution to your prolonged political discomfiture is “regulating” press that you do not like but choose not even to sue, is sinister in a democracy.  We heard a lot about the influence of Donald Trump yesterday.  Here is its definitive incarnation. It is extraordinary that none of the press or broadcast media have expressed any concern about this. Not one of the reports of the vote of confidence in Varadkar, whose importance was itself denigrated in much of the press, even mentioned it. But then Village’s evidence-driven pursuit of Mr Varadkar’s illegal leak of a confidential draft IMO-negotiated GP contract to his friend, the head of a rival organisation, has been distorted by some of the mainstream media, some of the most established of which have never referred to the WhatsApp screengrabs that grounded our reports – as they apparently do not have the wherewithal to assess their probative value. The screengrabs, it is Village’s case, showed a) criminality and b) lying, from the Tánaiste. Illustrating the distortion is some of the press coverage of our  9 November release of a trove of information from Varadkar’s friend O’Tuathail suggesting their relationship was closer than Varadkar stated in the Dáil.  That information  needed to be released in full.  I was involved with the publicisation of James Gogarty’s allegations which led to the establishment of the long-running planning tribunal (1997-2012).  Fully 19 years after he made substantiated allegations (to me and others) that were verified by the tribunal many of the substantiated allegations/findings were overturned in the High Court in 2014 on the sole ground that he should have been examined about allegations that did not stand up as well as those that did (as it was relevant to his credibility).   Village showed evidence, and stated, that Matt Ó Tuathail, like most people whose information highlights wrongdoing is not entirely reliable; and he has anyway latterly turned or been turned (a matter for another day) under pressure – definitively proving that unreliability.   Village simply suggested that evidence of ten meetings was enough to prove that the Dáil had been misled by Varadkar who had solemnly declared “two or three”, especially when it was clear that Village did not have, and could not he expected to have, information about the existence of all meetings between the two. Village put all the information into the public domain. That is a proper and fair approach when dealing with people whose information

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    At least 10 times not 2 or 3

    Statement from Village, 9 November 2020 The cardinal political sin is lying to Parliament. It is a resigning matter for a Minister to lie to the Dáil. Village submits evidence below that suggests the Dáil has been lied to on what is currently an important and topical issue. In his Statement and replies to questions in the Dáil last Tuesday (3 November), Tánaiste Leo Varadkar defended his ostensibly illegal transfer to a friend of a confidential contract, by then a matter of serious political and ethical concern and scrutiny, on the basis of his “motivation”.  The central part of what he called his “defence” was that he transferred the document to Dr Matt Ó Tuathail with the motive to advance the public interest, to sow harmony: “to get the [GP-contract] deal done and ensure it secured universal acceptance across the GP community”.   There are several problems with this.  a) the recipient Ó Tuathail, head of an organisation that was a rival to the IMO, has said he intended to “destroy” the IMO, and would use the document to take “the wind from [the IMO’s] sails, especially with 17 roadshows to go!!”.   b) it seems strange if Varadkar was acting in good faith to promote government policy to unite feuding doctors’ groups, albeit covertly,  that he waited for his mate to approach him rather than doing anything at all of an overt nature to foster that unity. But this piece is not about how the transfer was not done with the intention of advancing the public interest, it is about what the transfer was. Its motivation was a favour for a friend.  A friend who was closer than Varadkar says. Village has contradicted, and can contradict, much more of what the Tánaiste has said, and for a magazine that generally avoids concerns about anyone’s social life it is discomfiting to be analysing anyone’s socialising, but fair-minded observers will accept that the issue of his friendship was the central one in the defence the Tánaiste himself made. As part of this defence the Tánaiste told Pearse Doherty TD in the Dáil of his relationship with O’Tuathail: “Yes, we are friends. However, there are friends and there are friends. We are not close friends. Dr Ó Tuathail is the kind of friend I would meet two or three times a year, probably at a drinks reception or through overlapping social circles. Otherwise he would have been in touch with me about medical matters such as Safetynet, the charity he works for through which GPs provide medical care to the homeless. I have had some involvement in that. We are not best mates or anything like that”. Speaking of O’Tuathail the Tánaiste stated: “Someone who is known to me, who is a friend but not a close friend, made out to various people that he was closer to me than he was”. And he said, “This is somebody who is not a close friend but is a friend. He is in my wider social circle”.   He then referred to just two meetings in the last year which is not the period for which Village has evidence. Note also that we are looking only at that part of his statement that dealt with meetings not contacts. So in summary the Tánaiste has solemnly told the Dáil he met Ó Tuathail “two or three times a year”. And this was particularly relevant for it characterised their relationship: Ó Tuathail was “the kind of friend I would meet two or three times a year”.  So is this the truth? Village here shows evidence by way of screenshotted WhatsApp exchanges (and one iMessage) between Chay Bowes and Matt Ó Tuathail and other independently verifiable evidence of at least 10 meetings between Ó Tuathail and the then-Taoiseach, around the relevant period in 2019 when the document was leaked and when favours – such as Ó Tuathail, personally, cheerleading for Varadkar – were possibly being done for Varadkar as a quid pro quo  for the leak.  There is no reason to think this is anything like an exclusive list.  The Tánaiste himself in his Dáil statement referred to “Christmas drinks” with Ó Tuathail within the period. Bowes has told Village that he met O’Tuathail and Varadkar along with Matt Barrett and others once during the period, at an uncertain date during the summer of 2019 in The Taphouse pub in Ranelagh, in the presence of two gardaí; and Darragh Bowes his son confirms picking Bowes up after the evening and discussing it.  Ó Tuathail and Varadkar also met at a festival on 29 June 2019 and there is ample evidence of this on the web and indeed in recent newspaper articles and the original Village piece. These were not included in the trove of WhatsApp exchanges (and iMessages) Village has obtained. Of course everyone knows that only a fraction of our social meetings with any individual are likely to be recorded in writing. In this case readers will make allowance for the fact there are definitely other meetings (three of which have just been described) but also that the trove of WhatsApp messages sent by Ó Tuathail is likely not to even include all his WhatsApp or other written evidence of meetings, since Bowes received only a limited selection. So Village has evidence of ten meetings in a year, seven evidenced by way of WhatsApp (and iMessage) communications some of which can be verified by independent research of the record and the media; and three verifiable entirely independently of Ó Tuathail. Any of the Ministers pleading their diaries do not describe these meetings should attract scepticism. Ministers’ diaries notoriously do not describe social meetings, especially with friends who have a business angle.  We have done some analysis of the time frames and are aware that, for example, the alleged lunchtime meeting on 30 June 2019 was on the same day as the then-Taoiseach went to Brussels.  We do not consider the meeting was impossible since a flight to Brussels takes 100 minutes and a car to the European Council from the airport only 15 minutes.  We could not find evidence to disprove that any of the meetings took place.  Dr Ó Tuathail

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    Senior Counsel’s opinion, for Village, affirms being a Minister does not exclude you from the obligations of the Official Secret Act

    :           Ruadhán Mac Aodháin, Solicitor, Prospect Law Re:       Whether the Official Secrets Act applies to Ministers and TDs? Client:  Ormond Quay Publishing Limited Date:   3rd November 2020 From:  Diarmuid Rossa Phelan SC Thank you for your instructions of last night raising the above question to be answered by noon today. The short answer is that there is no exclusion in the Official Secrets Act, 1963, to the person prohibited from communicating official information by virtue of the person’s status simpliciter as Minister or member of the Oireachtas. Whether the prohibition on the disclosure of official information falls within Section 4 of the Act applies depends on whether the information is “official information” within the meaning of Section 2(1) of the Act and if so whether it is excepted. Official information includes a document  which is confidential or expressed to be confidential, and which is or has been in the possession custody or control of a holder of public office or to which the holder of public office has or had access, where such control or access is by virtue of the public office holder’s office. Public office includes an office or employment which is wholly remunerated out of the Central Fund or out of moneys provided by the Oireachtas, but does not include membership of either House of the Oireachtas. Therefore information does not become official information by virtue of it being in the possession etc. of a member of the Oireachtas. However, official information does not cease to be official information solely by virtue of the fact that it has come into the possession custody or control of or accessed by a member of the Oireachtas, or indeed any other person who is not a holder of public office as defined by the Act. If the information falls within the definition of official information, the prohibition on disclosure of official information applies to a person without qualification or exclusion de ratione personae. However the communication by any person may nonetheless be excepted from prohibition, not because of status for example as member of the Oireachtas or Minister, but if the disclosing person either is duly authorised to communicate the official information – “duly authorised” here means (S.4(4)) authorised by a Minister or State authority or by some person authorised in that behalf by a Minister or State authority to communicate the official information, or communicates the official information in the course of or in accordance with his or her duties as the holder of a public office (not including membership of the Oireachtas), or when it is his or her duty in the interest of the State to communicate it.

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    Dáil debate must focus on whether release of document was in public interest; and on criminality

    In advance of the Dáil debate on Tánaiste Leo Varadkar’s now-admitted leak of a confidential document last year, Village wants to express a hope that the debate will be forensic, not the usual populist, adjective-heavy grandstanding, that may let a culprit off a lazily-cast hook.  To this end we suggest that TDs framing the debate about wrongdoing not criminality are wasting parliamentary time. It is to be hoped that the public and media can distinguish such speakers. For the moment we want to address assertions a) that Mr Varadkar’s agenda was in the public interest and b) that his offence is minor – one of ‘less than best practice’ (!) –  not criminal. The reason the public interest is important is because if the release were in the public interest it might exculpate Mr Varadkar under the Official Secrets Act which essentially excludes from its ambit Ministers acting, driven by the public interest (i.e. when they have a duty – and importantly not merely a power – to do so) but not otherwise. So looking at the public interest, scandal-blower Chay Bowes has told Village that Matt O’Tuathail told him he had approached Varadkar to get him the draft document, as a favour to a friend. Not – as FG is spinning it – that Varadkar considered it would be in the public interest, and chose the President of the NAGP as the conduit. It has not been as clear as it could be that Varadkar and O’Tuathail were friends. A major absurdity is that Mr Varadkar is claiming he leaked the document to facilitate agreement by the NAGP: “Mr Varadkar hoped to use Dr Ó’Tuathail’s influence to encourage all GPs to accept it”, as the Tánaiste’s Halloween statement has it -when the Village article shows it was received by his mate on the basis it would be used by the NAGP to undermine the IMO’s negotiating stance.  Village has copies of messages showing this. As to the second point – criminality – the Act, let us be clear, applies to ‘people’, all people.  It is utterly wrong in law for the Tánaiste, supported by torpid commentators who have not taken legal advice, to say the Act does not apply to Ministers or then-Taoisigh. The media are failing to do basic research about this – allowing Varadkar to bluster behind legal bluffs as in his windy Halloween statement. The Official Secrets Act says at Section  4.—(1) “A person shall not communicate any official information to any other person UNLESS he is duly authorised to do so or does so in the course of and in accordance with his duties as the holder of a public office or when it is his duty in the interest of the State to communicate it”. . The rule applies to PERSONS – all persons including Oireachtas members.  That is the central case. The EXCEPTION  to the rule is for holders of public office acting in a particular way not for public office holders per se. (and in any event Ministers and Taoisigh are excluded – so excluding Mr Varadkar from the exception not the rule). The Tánaiste’s Halloween statement says “the ambit of the [Official Secrets] Act is limited to persons holding a public office”. It is to be hoped he will be asked today if he considers the Act does not apply to him as Tánaiste. So, the Minister did not act in the public interest.  And he has committed a crime.  That is why the Village article was framed as “Leo, Law Breaker”. We hope these issues are properly explored in the debate.

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    Robert Fisk exposed Tara, the organisation linked to MI5 and the Kincora scandal. His career was a counterbalance to the lies and distortions of the Murdoch media empire and its ilk.

    By Joseph de Burca. It is no exaggeration to say that Robert Fisk, who has passed away, was one of the finest journalists of the last half-century. He reported on the Troubles during the 1970s for The Times of London before it was taken over by Rupert Murdoch, produced a book on the 1974 Ulster Workers Council strike and another on Irish neutrality during World War II. He had the dignity and self-respect to walk away from The Times after Murdoch began to interfere with his reporting. He soon became recognised as an international authority on the Middle East among his many other achievements. He purchased a house in Dalkey, County Dublin and became an Irish citizen. Clearly, he relished the intellectual freedom of the country and became a regular guest on the Pat Kenny and other radio shows. Hundreds of thousands of lrish people benefitted from his objective and insightful analysis of world events unlike the many millions who were fed drivel and propaganda by the Murdoch media, especially in the UK and USA. Significantly, he became a fearless opponent of the dirty tricks deployed by various Western intelligence services in their efforts to manipulate the press. He first clashed with these shadowy forces in Ireland in his 20s. 1. Fisk exposed the Loyalist paramilitary organisation TARA which was run by the ‘Housefather’ of Kincora Boys’ Home, William McGrath Although it is not mentioned in any of the many glowing  – and well-deserved  –  tributes from around the globe, Fisk was one of a tiny number of journalists who attempted to expose the activities of Tara, a Loyalist paramilitary group. Tara was led by William McGrath, a long-time friend and associate of Ian Paisley, the leader of the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). McGrath was probably the person who introduced Paisley to the notion that the Protestants of Northern Ireland were the descendants of one of the lost tribes of Israel (i.e. British-Israelites). McGrath, who was nearly a decade older than Paisley, met Paisley while the latter was in his early 20s. McGrath was convicted in 1981 of the sexual abuse of residents at Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast. (See also: Blackmailed? [Updated Version] The man who supplied Fisk with the information about Tara was Captain Colin Wallace, a PSYOPS officer at British Army HQ at Lisburn.  Wallace often supplied journalists such as Fisk with documents and briefings. This was always done on orders from his superiors as part of his job. Fisk published a report about Tara in London’s New Statesman magazine on 19 July 1976. In the report he explained that Tara had been the subject matter of a private British Army report and described it as “well-armed” with links to a Northern Ireland political party. He drew attention to the fact it was also “perfectly legal’. He then proceeded to quote from a document supplied by Wallace which read as follows: “Commanding officer uses non-existent evangelical mission as a front…Tara organised initially in platoons of 20, now probably in companies, and drawn almost exclusively from members of the Orange Order, each platoon has a sergeant/QM (quartermaster); and IO (Intelligence Officer)”. 2. MI5 exploits the provision of ‘restricted’ documents by Colin Wallace to Robert Fisk to destroy Wallace and protect a paedophile network. At the time William McGrath was acting as an agent of MI5 which is attached to the Home Office. Previously, he had been an agent of MI6 which is attached to the Foreign Office. Ian Cameron, a senior MI5 officer based at MI5’s station at Lisburn, had been alarmed at Wallace’s attempts to expose what had been going on at Kincora. Cameron was in overall charge of running the sordid and utterly reprehensible Kincora operation at ground level in the mid-1970s. McGrath and the Warden of Kincora, Joseph Mains, had supplied boys to other Loyalist terrorists such as John McKeague, who was blackmailed and recruited by MI5 in 1976. For further details about McKeague and MI5 see: The Anglo-Irish Vice Ring Chapters 8 – 10 The MP and leader of the Official Unionist Party, James Molyneaux, was also an abuser of underage males and a friend of McGrath see: JAMES MOLYNEAUX AND THE  KINCORA  SCANDAL. A senior figure within the DUP, “the Wife Beater” was also compromised by his association with McGrath and McKeague. Enoch Powell, Sir Anthony Blunt and others were likewise involved. Kincora was merely part of a wider Anglo-Irish Vice Ring. For details about Powell see: Suffer little children Cameron reported to Denis Payne, the Director and Co-ordinator of Intelligence (DCI) at Stormont Castle. Payne was fully aware of what was taking place at Kincora and at other childrens’ homes. Payne was also an MI5 officer. Some officials at Stormont such as Peter England and John Imrie were themselves paedophiles who raped children in care in Ireland. (See also: John Imrie, MI5’s Flasher-General Unlike MI5, there were some officers in the British Army such as Wallace and his superior, General Leng, who were quite prepared to expose the vile abuse of children in Ireland. Capt. Brian Gemmell also deserves credit for his part in uncovering what was afoot. MI5 set out to destroy Wallace to preserve the Kincora secret in 1975. They made their move in early 1975 after Wallace sent some papers to Fisk. Crucially, he had done so – as he had always – with the permission of his military superiors.   Cameron also made a formal complaint against Wallace for allegedly “breaching security by briefing the press about Tara and McGrath”, Wallace has explained. “This was based on a piece that Robert Fisk wrote for The New Statesman… Cameron knew, of course, that I had been briefing the press about McGrath since 1973 at the request of my Army superiors”. Wallace’s boss at HQ NI in 1974, Peter Broderick, is on public record saying that he initialled a 1973 press briefing document about Tara that Wallace used and instructed him to disclose it. The document was also initialled by Lieutenant Colonel Peck, the then head

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    Trustworthiness – Editorial, November; US election.

    Biden is unexciting and past his best but not mad ‘Vote Joe’ For Village’s agenda of equality of outcome, sustainability and accountability, Bernie Sanders was the best champion.   By comparison, his conservative Democrat vanquisher Joe Biden is ideologically vague, compromised,  wedded to mid-twentieth-century agendas and lacking timely radicalism. Biden’s persona is attractively folksy grandfatherly – and Irish-American – but he is past his best, inarticulate.  Biden’s opponent Donald Trump is post-ideological/psychotic with no interest in ideas, still less in the ideas that comprise Village’s agenda. His persona is entirely self-unaware, crass and bombastic.  He delivers his incendiary lies in  repetitive, unyielding chunks like a fairground barker. Trump is narcissistic to the point of insanity making him again the most dangerous candidate President in history.  His paralysed opponents haven’t realised that only attacks that puncture his – and his supporters – image of himself ‘Brand Trump’ work – not ones that, for example show him immoral or illiberal.   Trump does not distinguish truth from lies, argument from abuse or policy from whimsy. Even Reagan and W Bush regarded themselves as accountable for untruths; he does not.  A self-confessed greedy plutocrat he lies about his wealth, dodges taxes, abuses women, and plays with public health. He is incompetent. He takes no responsibility for anything at all.  He expressly says he takes no responsibility for the, at least 100,000, excess Covid-19 deaths. Worse, he casually incites hatred. Trump has incited hatred against Muslims, Mexicans and Chinese, and denigrated Black Lives Matter and victims of police racism. In practice he has reduced the US’ intake of refugees from 86,000 in 2016 to 11,000 in 2020. Parents of 545 children separated from their families at the Southern border as part of the Trump administration’s “zero tolerance” policy cannot be found. Economic immigration is down by 50%. Trump has never had clear policies, only policy-substitute mantras, instincts chief of which – after self-advancement – is aiding both the richest and the ordinary white supremacist.  Nevertheless some of his stuff amazingly, worked out ok.  He has not started any wars or incited as much violence as might have been predicted. He has undermined some international trade, particularly with China.  For Village that is not a bad thing.  It is fair too to record that Trump has managed the US economy effectively if explosively – by deregulation against the common good.  According to the Economist magazine: “GDP growth was somewhat faster in 2017-19 than it was in either Barack Obama’s first or second term, according to official data. America also did well relative to other countries…There is clear evidence of an acceleration in the growth of America’s median household income from 2017 onwards”. While  Biden wants to raise taxes on high-income households – over $400,000 –  Trump still aims to cut taxes for all income brackets – with no budgetary concern. The deficit for 2020 is over $3tr. The US national debt is over $27tr.  On abortion, Biden is pro-choice; Trump, on the back of fake religiosity,  is pro-life. Biden would pass a federal law that protects a woman’s right to have an abortion so that even if the Supreme Court bucks the Roe v Wade precedent going back almost 50 years, that right would still exist. Trump aims to achieve a strong conservative majority in the Supreme Court that would probably leave the States to legislate on abortion, making it illegal in most parts of the US. Trump is an incoherent climate denier. He claims ‘It’ll start getting cooler. You just watch… I don’t think science knows, actually”.  In practice US carbon dioxide emissions peaked on Trump’s watch in 2018. They fell for the last two years, but remain higher than they were before he took office. The average American emits 16.56 tonnes of CO2 a year, over twice as much as the average Chinese or European. Implementing the fruits of a joint Sanders-Biden taskforce on climate, Biden’s climate plan has improved but he supports unsustainable fracking and is a devotee of the US car industry, albeit moving to electric,  and indeed of his own cherished sports car. That these two defective candidates compete for the most powerful office in the world says more about the system than it does about the candidates. But most of all it bespeaks problems with the political culture of what has passed for a great nation. Ultimately Biden will take us back to the political era of his biggest mentor, Obama. This piece is consciously and remarkably similar to a piece in Village from October 2016 assessing the  respective appeals of Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump.  Biden will disappoint even people considerably less radical than Village.  Trump’s policies on climate, foreigners and equality; his iconoclastic geopolitics and his tiny fingers on the nuclear button; risk taking us back to the stone age.  So, in the unlikely event you have a vote, use it for Sleepy Joe.

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