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    The Devil and Mr Roger Casement.

    Conclusive proof of ‘Black Diaries’ forgery, finally. By Paul Hyde. Among the diaries attributed to Roger Casement there is a cash ledger for 1911 which is also part diary. This has been scrutinised by several authors, most closely by Jeffrey Dudgeon, the Belfast researcher who is today the leading forgery denier.    In 2002 Dudgeon published the first edition of his book bearing the title ‘Roger Casement: The Black Diaries – with a study of his background, sexuality and Irish political life’. This substantial volume purported to add rich detail and colour to the already widely established view that the diaries were authentic. Dudgeon was able to present much information about the north of Ireland in relation to Casement and also to provide something missing from other studies – what it was like to be an active homosexual in the North (and elsewhere)  a hundred years ago. Dudgeon’s history recipe freely mixes fact with speculation and ‘in-the-know’ innuendo to promote his desired conclusions of authenticity which are guided more by an obvious bias than by impartial analysis. His book, although stylistically challenging and idiosyncratic, has gathered both attention and praise. A certain sentence on page 285/6 had disappeared. Dudgeon has never doubted the diaries are genuine and he no doubt believes he has demonstrated their authenticity to the highest degree possible. As the years passed his reputation grew as a veteran crusader who knew ‘the inside story’ and he became an influential expert consulted by authors, academics, journalists, guest speaking at conferences and appearing on the media. Such a success story that by the centenary year of 2016, he produced a second edition to meet steady demand.  Then, only two years later in early 2019, he produced a third edition. There was however one small difference in this third edition. A certain sentence on page 285/6 had disappeared. The 27-word sentence, apparently insignificant, had been in print for 17 years but was deleted in 2019. To discover the motive for this unexplained deletion is also to discover its significance for the entire controversy about the diaries. The devil is in the detail we are told so let us look at the detail to find the devil. The detail concerns an alleged affair between Casement and a young Belfast bank clerk called Millar; Casement did indeed know Millar and his mother through shared friends and acquaintances in Antrim but they had little in common politically. Readers of ‘Anatomy of a lie’ will recall that the widely-believed story fabricated by MI5 agent Major Frank Hall and promoted by Dudgeon is logically demonstrated to be manufactured evidence. The alleged affair features in the 1910 diary and in the 1911 ledger with events located in Belfast and environs. The story also involves a motorcycle owned by Millar in 1911 which vehicle was identified by Hall in 1915 along with the full name of its owner, Joseph Millar Gordon. Hall passed this information to the cabinet meeting on 2 August 1916 to overcome lingering doubts about the expediency of an execution next morning. Hall’s tactic succeeded. § In the ledger the following appears dated 3 June: “Cyril Corbally and his motor bike for Millar £25.0.0″. Cyril Corbally was a noted croquet player from County Dublin who in 1910 worked at Bishop’s Stortford Golf Club in Essex. In 1910 he acquired a second-hand Triumph motor cycle registered with Essex County Council. In 1911 Corbally sold the machine and in July Millar registered ownership with the same Council. The sentence is understood to mean that the diarist is paying £25 to Corbally to purchase his motorcycle for Millar. Research has confirmed that £25 is a realistic price in 1911 for a three-year-old Triumph motorcycle; a new machine in 1908 cost around £50. However, as a simple record of a purchase the sentence is suspect because it contains four items of information when two would have been sufficient. It was not necessary to record the vendor’s name, the item bought, the purpose of the transaction and the sum paid. The vendor’s name and the price would have been enough to record the purchase. The extra information – purpose and item bought – is superfluous unless intended for third parties who the diarist knows will read the ledger. In short, the sentence is an artifice. There are two further references to the alleged transaction in the ledger: on June 8 which reads ‘Carriage of motorbike to dear Millar. 18/3’ and at the end of June ‘Epitome of June A/C Present etc. to others Cyril Corbally…25.0.0.’ Outside the ledger there is no evidence that Casement ever contacted Corbally; nor is there any reference to the purchase of a motorcycle.  § Here is the sentence which Dudgeon deleted from his third edition of 2019. “It is possible that Millar bought the motor bike from Corbally and that Casement was repaying him as a separate note listing expenditure simply reads ‘Millar 25.0.0′”. This sentence published by Dudgeon from 2002 to 2019 fatally compromises his overall endeavour to persuade us of authenticity. It signifies serious confusion; he does not know who paid for Millar’s motorcycle. It also signifies that he admits the possibility that Casement did not pay Corbally as alleged in the ledger which therefore would be a forgery. This confusion signals that Dudgeon is unable to make sense of the ledger and consequently has lost faith in his project. He cannot explain why if Millar paid Corbally, the ledger records that Casement also paid Corbally. It is possible that an astute, well-meaning reader alerted Dudgeon to the fatal implications of that sentence but after 17 years it seems improbable that he suddenly discovered the gaffe by himself. That ‘separate note’ is a single handwritten page in the National Library of Ireland (NLI) described as Rough Financial Notes by Roger Casement (MS 15,138/1/12). It is inscribed on both sides with records of outgoing payments. Many of the ten undated payments record substantial amounts so that Millar’s £25 is not exceptional. The NLI

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    Government hired private jet despite availability of commercial flights

    Private-jet travel is up to 14 times more polluting than commercial flights By Conor O’Carroll The government has hired private jets to transport the Taoiseach to foreign engagements and summits despite the availability of commercial options. Over the past twelve months, hundreds of thousands of Euro has been spent hiring private jets due to the unreliability and unavailability of the Learjet. In March, the Irish Times reported that the cost of these flights had surpassed €450,000, which included a two-day trip to the West Balkans in January by former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar and the Tánaiste Micheál Martin’s trip to Israel in November, both of which cost in excess of €100,000. However, updated figures released to Village show that since the start of 2023, almost €650,000 has been spent on hiring private jets, with at least three additional trips not recorded in those figures. In addition to the trip to the Balkans and Israel, where commercial travel would not be feasible, the government has also hired private jets for short-haul flights to Brussels, Paris and Munich. Analysis of historical flights records suggests that on a number of these occasions, commercial flights were available. On at least five occasions in recent months, Village found commercial flights with a scheduled departure time within just over 90 minutes of the departure of the government’s private jet, though it was sometimes far closer. During the Taoiseach’s recent trip to Munich in February for example, a commercial flight with Lufthansa from Dublin left within 45 minutes of the government private jet, while there was a return flight available within an hour and 40 minutes. Instead, the government opted to hire a Bombardier Challenger 350 for €73,000. Private-jet travel is considered to be up to 14 times more polluting than commercial flights, according to European sustainability NGO Transport & Environment. The Taoiseach also visited Paris in February for a special meeting of European leaders to discuss supporting Ukraine. For this, the government chartered two private jets for each leg of the journey, leaving the Air Corps base at Baldonnel for Le Bourget Airport. Flight data shows, however, that Aer Lingus flights between Dublin and Paris were scheduled to depart within an hour of the Taoiseach’s jet, landing and taking off from Charles de Gaulle Airport, which is a 10-minute drive from Le Bourget Airport. The Taoiseach is also a frequent visitor of Brussels, regularly attending EU summits. On at least four occasions since last October, the government has charted a private jet for the two-hour flight. This is despite on three of those occasions, there were once again commercial options available. On the most recent trip to Brussels in March, an Aer Lingus flight from Dublin was scheduled to take off just over 90 minutes before the government’s private jet, while for the return journey, the government’s jet left just 10 minutes before another Aer Lingus flight. The Department of the Taoiseach did not respond to queries regarding the decision to fly private rather than commercially, but did say “the provision of a contingency Ministerial Air Transport Service (MATS) arrangement was procured by the Department of Defence following an open tender competition”. The spokesperson also stated that “the Department of the Taoiseach records, monitors and values the carbon emissions associated with official air travel”, offsetting the emissions annually.   Many of the Taoiseach’s staff and security team are able to fly commercially, however, such as the recent trip to Zurich for the World Economic Forum where the Close Protection Officer responsible for ensuring the Taoiseach’s safety flew commercially. The Taoiseach, meanwhile, hired a private jet for the two-hour flight at a cost of over €63,000. By comparison, records show the flights for the Close Protection Officer cost a little over €600. According to flight data, a Swiss Air flight to Zurich took off from Dublin just over an hour before the Taoiseach, and while there was a gap of almost three hours between the government’s private jet taking off on the return journey and any commercial options, it also made a one hour stop in Knock before returning to Baldonnel. Emails released under Freedom of Information legislation also show that the increased traffic of private jets arriving at Baldonnel is causing some consternation at the Air Corps base. After being contacted by the private jet company flying the Taoiseach to Copenhagen in November last year, a Commandant at the base told the Department of Defence it was the “second interaction from an external organisation which we have not been briefed in on and are blind to”. A tender to find the Learjet’s successor was published in November last year, with the government set to spent €45 million on the aircraft. The Department was informed by the Commandant that “numerous things need to be put in place and staffing in order to handle any additional non-military” flights, and that these plans cannot be put in place unless they were provided with the information from the Department. Government officials have previously stated that they had lost “all confidence” in the Learjet, however, an internal Defence Forces report on the future of the aircraft suggests that 2023 may have been “somewhat of an anomaly”, with previous years indicating the Learjet had a “good rate of serviceability”. The Air Corps have thus suggested that the Learjet serve as a backup option for forthcoming Ministerial transport missions, while the government continues to progress in replacing the jet. A tender to find the Learjet’s successor was published in November last year, with the government set to spent €45 million on the aircraft.

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    Developer who entombed badgers walked away with Probation Act instead of a conviction after promise to pay money to wildlife charities

    Con McCarthy paid €15,000 to walk away from conviction for unprecedented case of suffocating badgers near Citywest. By Donna Mullen. Con McCarthy, a developer, planned to construct a warehouse in Brownsbarn, Citywest, Dublin, and hired an ecologist, Brian Keeley, to conduct a badger survey in February 2022. Brian Keeley found two adult badgers bringing bedding into a sett and presumed that they were breeding. He made the developer aware of the badger sett and was asked to step down from working on the project. Later when he went to see the site, he found that the sett had been destroyed, and a large mound of clay was on the area. It is likely that the badgers were entombed. That Con Mc Carthy…. used, allowed and/or caused to be used a mechanically propelled vehicle to wit, plant machinery to aid the commission of an offence under the Wildlife Acts as amended, to wit, the destruction of a badger sett, in contravention of section 69 (7)(A) of the Wildlife Act 1976 as amended The government’s National Parks and Wildlife Service (NPWS) were immediately called, and the developer said that the sett had been destroyed while a fence was being erected. The case went to the District Court and the developer was convicted on the following charge (1) with reference to charges 2 and 3 below: (1)    “Con Mc Carthy, on dates between 1st April 2022 and 25 May 2022, both dates inclusive, at Brownsbarn, County Dublin, wilfully interfered with the breeding or resting place of a protected wild animal to wit, a badger sett, in contravention of Section 23(5)(d) of the Wildlife Act 1976 as amended. Two other charges were taken into consideration. (2)    That Con Mc Carthy …did aid abet, procure or counsel the commission of an offence under the Wildlife Acts as amended, to wit, the wilful destruction of a badger sett, in contravention of Section 23(5)(d) and Section 69(1)of the wildlife Act, 1976, as amended. (3)    That Con Mc Carthy…. used, allowed and/or caused to be used a mechanically propelled vehicle to wit, plant machinery to aid the commission of an offence under the Wildlife Acts as amended, to wit, the destruction of a badger sett, in contravention of section 69 (7)(A) of the Wildlife Act 1976 as amended. Con Mc Carthy was convicted and fined 5000 euros. On 7 March 7, 2024, Con Mc Carthy appealed the severity of the conviction to the Circuit Court. NPWS District Conservation Officer Kieran Buckley showed photographs in court of a bank of clay on top of the sett, which would have entombed badgers. “The badgers probably would have suffocated from the sheer volume of clay” he said. “I’ve been enforcing the law for 20 years and this is the most wilfully cruel act I’ve seen”. Mr Brian Keeley , ecologist, took the stand “In my opinion, this was premeditated. This is a severe case. I’ve been a consultant since 1996 and haven’t seen this before. They just needed to keep the machinery 30 metres away from the sett. Much of my work involves working with developers to protect setts. I have a farm and we put up fences all the time. We don’t need to level all the ground”, he said. Mr Mc Carthy offered to make a donation to a charity if his criminal prosecution was reduced to having the probation act applied. Concern was raised by the barrister for NPWS that this could be seen as a developer “buying their way out”. He also said that a prosecution was more beneficial, because of the significant time and resources expended by NPWS. However, the judge asked for 15,000 euros to be split between three wildlife charities, and the conviction was not upheld.  Instead, the Probation Act, Section 1, was applied. Meanwhile, even though the case has been proven, the NPWS and the whistleblower cannot claim for their costs in this case, and the state pays for the case. The Beatles say that “Money can’t buy you love”. But in Irish courts, it seems it can buy you from the consequences of killing badger cubs.

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    Time to nail US based swimming-coach paedophile George Gibney.

    Ireland disgraces itself over the most notorious at-large sex criminal in sports history. By Irvin Muchnick George Gibney, the story that won’t die, is also the story that won’t live – or at least isn’t given the oxygen to breathe. The latest example follows last November’s headlines about the status of investigations by the Garda and the Director of Public Prosecutions. They suggest that this Olympic year could be the one that finally delivers justice in the excruciating legacy of Gibney, whom I call the most notorious at-large sex criminal in sports history. But that probably won’t happen if the authorities are under no pressure to drop the other shoe. The grain of Irish journalism custom and draconian defamation contribute to the whole history of Ireland’s failures to and root out sexual abuse scenarios in high places in real time, and not just in sports Only constant reminders of the range and tawdry depths of this scandal have the promise of holding government officials’ feet to the fire and ensuring that the current prospective new Gibney prosecution doesn’t fizzle, in the manner of multiple previous initiatives. Unfortunately, constant reminders are precisely what the Irish news media, simply waiting on an announcement by the DPP that a Gibney prosecution 2.0 will proceed, aren’t equipped to provide. Such an announcement could take many more months or even years, especially in the absence of aggressive reporting at intervals of official responses to follow-up queries, and of informed and responsibly labelled speculation and analysis. All this would go against the grain of Irish journalism custom and practice, as well as the country’s absence of an equivalent to America’s First Amendment and the resulting presence of a draconian defamation law regime. These contribute to a regime of passive waiting – followed by lapsed public memory. Indeed, they contribute to the whole history of Ireland’s failures to expose and root out sexual abuse scenarios in high places in real time, and not just in sports. In my analysis, the current Gibney initiative could actually, finally, be the real deal. I say this because of reports that gardaí are confident, should the DPP pull the trigger, that the US will cooperate in extraditing Gibney for trial. There appears to be significant movement behind the scenes in both countries. I’ve never seen that element in past major reporting clusters on bringing Gibney to justice, the last of which was in 2018, in the wake of the resolution of my Freedom of Information Act case against the US Department of Homeland Security, which partially daylighted Gibney’s immigration records and raised key questions surrounding them. The grain of Irish journalism custom and draconian defamation contribute to the whole history of Ireland’s failures to and root out sexual abuse scenarios in high places in real time, and not just in sports Clearly, the 2020 BBC/Second Captains podcast series Where Is George Gibney?, for all my criticisms of its shortcomings, changed the dynamic. Podcaster Mark Horgan introduced the voices of fresh Gibney accusers. What this means is that the Garda and the DPP no longer have to tussle with the problem of trying to revive old cases that got quashed by a controversial Irish Supreme Court procedural ruling 30 years ago. Instead, the criminal justice authorities can advance entirely new cases. And they have the wind at their backs because of more recent Irish case law on historical abuses, which is now less friendly to defendants. In urging on the Irish media, I don’t mean to suggest that their First Amendment-fortified American counterparts have fared any better. Many of the 5 million denizens of the Republic of Ireland are well familiar with the Gibney agony. However, even though this head coach of the Irish Olympic swimming team in 1984 and 1988 has been a US resident alien for nearly 30 years, few of the 35 million members of America’s Irish diaspora so much as know who he is. American journalists are guilty of the same flawed method of not staying on top of important criminal investigations and informing news consumers as to how they resolved, or if they remain open and why. (Last year Preet Bharara, a former federal prosecutor, wrote an essay in the New York Times arguing that it’s unfair – to investigative targets as well as the public – for the government to fall permanently silent on high-profile investigations.  Bharara urged a prospective practice of affirmative announcements by prosecutors of the ends of investigations.) In 2014, USA Swimming’s long-time chief executive, Chuck Wielgus, stood down from induction into the International Swimming Hall of Fame in the face of a protest petition organised by survivors of sexual abuse by their coaches. In 2017, Wielgus died. The next year American newspapers, in their usual atomised way, reported that there was a grand jury investigation of USA Swimming for decades of insurance fraud and cover-ups of abuse cases, but connected none of the dots. Thus, in the same manner as that of umpteen supposed new runs at a Gibney prosecution, that story was “one and done” in the Wall Street Journal, USA Today and other outlets; it faded away. In both Ireland and America, standard media accounts of Gibney omit critical context. Missing elements include the mystery of Gibney’s American green card; the collusion by American swimming authorities that contributed to his ability to abscond to the US on a diversity lottery visa; and the overall horror show that is underage athletes’ past and ongoing exposure to the predation of bad actor coaches in Olympic sports – everywhere. Gibney was indicted in Ireland in 1993 on 27 counts of indecent carnal knowledge of swimmers in his supervision. That prosecution, however, got barred by a controversial Irish Supreme Court ruling that the passage of time had prejudiced his ability to mount a fair defence. Gibney was released. He repaired first to Scotland and then to the US. In 1995, Gibney lost his last coaching job, for a USA Swimming-sanctioned club in Colorado,

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